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Abortion Rights Rally in Jefferson City – May 3, 2024 – Press Gaggle

04 Saturday May 2024

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

abortion, capitol, Emily Wales, initiative, Jefferson City, Mallory Schwarz, missouri, Petitions, press gaggle, rally, Tori Schafer, transcript, women's health care, women's reproductive health

Organizers and activists in Missouri have been gathering signatures for an initiative to place women’s reproductive rights, women’s health care, and access to abortion on the ballot. Missourians for Constitutional Freedom is the conduit for the petition drive.

The signed petitions were presented Friday morning at the James C. Kirkpatrick State Information Center in Jefferson City.

A rally in support of the initiative for abortion rights started at 11:00 a.m. on the north side of the Capitol.

After the rally the organizing coalition held a brief press gaggle with Mallory Schwarz, Emily Wells, and Tori Schafer:

Mallory Schwarz, Abortion Action Missouri.

Emily Wells – Planned Parenthood Great Plains.

Tori Schafer, ACLU Missouri.

https://showmeprogress.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MoAbortionPetitionPressGaggle050324.mp3
.
The transcript:

Q: I guess my first question is I know it was, uh, three hundred and eighty thousand signatures you have to gather from six of the eight [congressional districts]. Where you able to do that and were you able to go above that? Because I’ve heard all eight, but I want to make sure I know exactly. [crosstalk]

A: To be clear, more than three hundred and eighty thousand signatures. And, yes, we were, we overqualified, we shattered our greatest expectations. We exceeded them.

We gathered in all hundred and fourteen counties in Missouri and by far hit our goal, hit and exceeded our goals in all six, in all, in all [eight] congressional districts.

Q: So did, that means you hit the eight percent in all eight districts?

A: Be. Well beyond.

Q: [….] My question to you, we’ve seen, uh, uh, a battle from, from the, uh, Attorney General [Andrew Bailey] and the Secretary of State [Jay Ashcroft] throughout this whole process. Are you expecting any hiccups in the coming weeks. And if so, are you watching closely? Kind of explain that.

A: You know, there shouldn’t be any hiccups because we clearly followed the law. Our volunteers, you can talk to [inaudible], they followed the rules to a tee. And like we’ve said, we’ve exceeded our signature goal, but we are, of course, preparing for anything. And we’re confident that any attacks that we experience are politically motivated. And we’ll win again in court.

Q: Given that the Supreme Court of Missouri made a final judgement on this language do you think that sort of helps, uh, shield against the accusation that the language was misleading to voters?

A: Oh, it certainly should. You know we, you all were there for when we took that up to the court and successfully won. We believe our language is a fair, and true, and accurate account of what our amendment does. Uh, and we’re confident in Missouri voters when they see that language they’re gonna vote ‘yes’.

Q: What, what do you make of, uh, the reported campaign to motivate people to withdraw their signatures. Uh, what do you make of that effort?

A: I think if, I think it shows that they know that they can’t beat us. They know that Missourians aren’t with them. If they thought that they could win this on its merits, if they thought that they could defeat us on their merits they wouldn’t be resorting to underhanded attacks, disinformation, and blatant lies.

Q: And, and speaking, and, in that vein, we saw a thirty plus hour filibuster [in the Missouri Senate] about the initiative petition [process]. Was it really about this?

A: They’ve been, anti-abortion politicians have been blatant that their attempts to make the process harder, to participate in direct Democracy, is about abortion access. It is about seeing in state, after state, after state that people want private medical care, they want to make their own decisions, including about abortion. And they [anti-abortion politicians] want to make it harder for the people of Missouri to actually participate in this process because they will restore abortion access.

Q: Are you concerned about potential situation where the initiative petition making it harder to amend the Constitution will go on the August ballot, followed by abortion on the November ballot? You’re all shaking your head no, I want, who [crosstalk].

A: Missouri voters are gonna vote it down, they’re gonna see right through it and see it for the lie that it is, just like voters did in Ohio. Um, they’re trying to use every tool in their playbook by, frankly, changing the rules, because we keep on winning. But, we will continue to win.

[crosstalk] Let’s do one more question.

Q: You’re talking a lot about, um, risks that volunteers were facing. What kind of risks were volunteers facing as they were trying to gather signatures?

A: You know, I think that we saw the Decline to Sign campaign hop up in parts of the state. Um, but I actually think what happened whenever those protesters would show up is it would drive more people towards the signature gatherers ’cause it would bring attention that they were there. And then more Missourians said, ‘oh, hey, I want to sign that, too.’

The truly amazing thing [crosstalk][inaudible], the truly amazing thing about doing events all over the state is also there were people who came out because they saw on the […] site, there’s an event in your neighborhood, it’s in Nevada, it’s in Sedalia, it’s wherever you are. But it wasn’t just the people who came because the events were online, it’s because they drove by and stopped and said, ‘I am going to stand up for my rights.’ It was more organic than anything we could have imagined and that’s why we were able to exceed our goals by so much.

All right, thank you everyone.

Previously:

Signing the Petition – Sedalia, Missouri – March 17, 2024 (March 17, 2024)

Signing the Petition in Raymore, Missouri (April 28, 2024)

This morning in Jefferson City, Missouri – delivering the signed petitions (May 3, 2024)

This morning in Jefferson City, Missouri – delivering the signed petitions – part 2 (May 3, 2024)

This morning in Jefferson City, Missouri – rally for abortion rights at the Capitol (May 3, 2024)

“Memory, all alone in the moonlight…”

03 Tuesday Jan 2023

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

Donald Trump, General Mark Milley, Kash Patel, Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, testimony, transcript, WTF?

The Trump Administration was filled with far too many incompetent boobs, starting with Donald Trump (r).

Bad combover. Check. Too long red tie. Check. Orange spray tan. Check. Tiny hands. Check. Cluelessness. Check…

Testimony:

SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
JANUARY 6TH ATTACK ON THE U.S. CAPITOL,
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

DEPOSITION OF: KASHYAP PRAMOD PATEL

Thursday, December 9, 2021
Washington, D.C

[Page 49]

[….]
Q How about the summer of 2020? asked you some questions about the impact that the summer protests had on preparation. Right now, separate from any email, separate from any document, what do you remember about how what happened in the summer impacted preparations for January 6th?

[Discussion off the record.]

The Witness. So, at that time, in the summer of 2020, I was deputy assistant to the President and senior director for counterterrorism. So that was my focus.

BY [….] Q I understand.

A So what I remember? I remember the media and the Lafayette Square incident. Of course, I remember the media’s portrayal of it, and I remember the video and the walk-across. I don’t recall having conversations with intel or DOD at that time, and —

Q That’s not my question. My question is, in January, the first few days of January of 2021–

A Uh-huh.

Q — you’re the chief of staff to the Secretary of Defense. Was there any discussion that you recall about what happened in the summer impacting preparations, DOD preparations, for what was coming on January 6th?

A So I believe I addressed that, so I’ll refer back to that answer. But, to address your question again, I rely on what I previously stated. But do I recall conversations about the summer in early January?

Q Yes.

A I recall some conversations with leadership at the Department that it came up. The specifics I do not recall.

Q Okay. Again, as you sit here today, no recollection of any of the specifics of how the summer protest events impacted the Defense Department’s preparation?

A I think as I stated earlier, what I do remember is that the senior leadership that was in place at the Department of Defense reminded senior leadership that was then in place of lessons learned. And whatever those lessons learned were documented by us in our recording — in our reportings, excuse me. And so, outside of that, I don’t have any other independent memory of not using anything else.

Q What were the lessons learned?

A You’d have to ask the people that were there —

Q I’m asking you, Mr. Patel.

A Well, I wasn’t there.

Q In your mind, what were the lessons learned from the summer that affected preparations for January 6th?

A The biggest lesson in my mind —

Q Yes.

A — looking back at the arc of this entire thing —

Q Great.

A — is that the Members of Congress did not want an arms display, for lack of a better word, on National Guardsmen and -women ever. That’s my recollection.

Q Okay.

A Now, that’s what the number one — I wouldn’t call it number one — that was a lesson learned that I recall other folks saying, but that’s about it.

Q And how did that relate to the summer of 2020?

A I’m not sure. What do you mean?

Q What do you recall — you said Members of Congress didn’t want an armed display. How does that in some way — again, your recollection — reach back to what happened in the summer of 2020?

A I think it stems from, I believe, Chairman Milley at the time walked across Lafayette Square with a sidearm holstered on his military uniform. I believe that’s what that reference was to. And Chairman Milley would have a better idea of those conversations because it impacted him directly.

Q I’m not asking you to look inside of Chairman Milley or anybody else’s mind. I’m just asking you, in your role as a high-level official in the Department of Defense, how the summer events affected preparation for the riot at the Capitol.

A Look, I believe I’ve answered it. I mean, if you would like, we can again look at things that can help to jog my memory, but I believe I’ve answered your question.

Q You have no independent recollection beyond the stuff, the documents, that we’ve provided you —

Mr. Gabe. Respectfully, you’ve asked him the same question in slightly different ways five or six times. He’s testified to what he remembers, his best recollection. He’s talked about what he doesn’t recall, but — and I understand that you may wish that he recalled more, but he’s answered the question, like, five times.

BY [….] Q I’m just trying to pinpoint whether you have any independent recollection beyond the documents that you’ve been provided to review today.

A Beyond the documents that I’ve been directed to review, beyond whatever was provided, and beyond whatever I’ve already said, outside of that, I don’t have an independent recollection.

Q Okay. I thought that’s what you said. Thank you.

[….]

“…Q What do you recall — you said Members of Congress didn’t want an armed display. How does that in some way — again, your recollection — reach back to what happened in the summer of 2020?

A I think it stems from, I believe, Chairman Milley at the time walked across Lafayette Square with a sidearm holstered on his military uniform. I believe that’s what that reference was to. And Chairman Milley would have a better idea of those conversations because it impacted him directly…”

That’s it? Interestingly there was quite a bit more in all the video coverage. Quite a bit more.

==========
Update: There is plenty of photographic coverage of General Mark Milley dressed in his BDUs accompanying Donald Trump (r) on the infamous walk across Lafayette Square. No belt or “holstered” sidearm on General Milley is visible in a multitude of images.
==========

[page 52]

BY [….] Q Okay. Let’s start on January 6th, on the day of.

A Uh-huh.

Q When did you first learn about the — any type of escalation of violence at the Capitol?

A I’m not sure. I think it’s detailed in the timeline I provided you, so I would say whatever that timeline says is the appropriate answer.

BY [….] Q Well, the timeline’s not just your memory, though, right? Without the timeline, do you remember when you first learned on that day that there was a breach at the Capitol?

A I believe late morning, early afternoon, from the best of my memory, is that on TV — and there’s TVs on at the Department of Defense, and there was a showing by video cameras that people were marching towards the Capitol. So whenever that was, in and around that time is when we saw it.

Q “We” meaning who?

A Whoever was in the Office of the Secretary of Defense where the TVs were on.

Q And do you remember listening to President Trump’s speech that day?

A I don’t. I believe I was working on a number of other things.

Q Did you speak to anybody — after you saw the march up to the Capitol, what happened next, from your memory?

A As best as I can recall, there was a lot of phone call activity that started happening. We tried to divvy up the work as best we could to be responsive to Congress, to public affairs, to the White House.

[….]

[page 59]

[….]
Q Did Tony Ornate ever reach out to you?

A Being the deputy chief of staff to Mark Meadows, he probably did. He —

Q On January 6th?

A Tony and I — Mr. Ornate and I have worked together for a long time, and so it’s possible he also reached out. I’m telling you, I can’t remember every phone call I had. If there’s something you can show me, like a call log, that says I talked to them, maybe I can narrow it down.

Q Did you talk to the President at all during January 6th?

A I don’t believe that the President — President Trump and I spoke on January 6th. That’s my memory.

Q Do you not believe — wouldn’t you remember if the President reached out to you on January 6th?

A Not necessarily. But I’m telling you, I don’t remember him doing so, and I don’t remember calling him on January 6th.

Q When you say “not necessarily,” there’s an attack on the Capitol, and he is the President of the United States.

A Okay.

Q You wouldn’t remember if you talked to him on January 6th?

[Discussion off the record.]

The Witness. Yeah, as I said, I don’t remember having a phone call with the President on January 6th.

BY [….] Q So, Mr. Patel, just so I’m clear, that does not mean you did not have a call with the President on January 6th. States during an attack on the Capitol would be memorable, no?

A To me?

Q To you.

A To me as chief of staff? It might be. I know this might be hard for you to believe, but I talked to the President a number chimes. So, any time that the President called, it was a memorable moment. But I don’t remember every single phone call I fielded, especially on a day when I fielded upwards of 100 phone calls.

Q So you have no recollection if the President called you or did not call you.

A I believe — as I said, I don’t believe we spoke on January 6th.

Q But by saying “I don’t believe” — and you’ve been an attorney, a trial attorney — it’s not precluding that you did have a conversation with President Trump.

A And, as I’ve said, if you show me a call log that says —

Q I don’t have to show you a call log for you to jog your memory if you talked to President Trump or not.

Mr. Gabe. Hold on just a second.
[….]

Apparently any memoir will be really short.

Too many people bear responsibility for all of this.

Go to the transcripts. Pick one, any one. You will and should be horrified.

Previously:

Confederate Dunces (January 2, 2023)

Confederate Dunces

02 Monday Jan 2023

Posted by Michael Bersin in Congress

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

Donald Trump, General Mark Milley, media criticism, Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol, testimony, transcript, WTF?

The Trump Administration was filled with far too many incompetent boobs, starting with Donald Trump (r).

Bad combover. Check. Too long red tie. Check. Orange spray tan. Check. Tiny hands. Check. Cluelessness. Check…

One example:

SELECT COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
JANUARY 6TH ATTACK ON THE U.S. CAPITOL,
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

INTERVIEW OF: GENERAL MARK A. MILLEY [pdf]

Wednesday, November 17, 2021
Washington, D.C.

[….]

[Page 105]

[General Mark A. Milley, Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff]: …One example is I received a written document on the 11th, I think it’s — no, it’s the 12th, I think it is, the 12th of November, 3 days after Secretary Esper is relieved, I get called up into Acting SecDef Miller’s office. And it’s Miller, me, and Patel. Patel hands me a piece of paper and I testified this to Congress a couple, 3, 4 weeks ago hands a piece of paper to me signed by then President Trump. And it basically has two sentences in it.

And it says: You are hereby ordered to withdraw all U.S. military forces from Somalia no later than 31 December. The second sentence says: You are directed to withdraw all U.S. forces from Iraq by 15 January. That’s it. And there was another line that said something like inform all allies or something like that. And I looked at Patel and I said: Who gave the President the military advice for this? Did you do this, Kash? And he said: Oh, no, no, I had nothing to do with it.

looked at Acting Secretary Miller and I said: Did you give the President military advice on this? Oh, no, no, not me. I said: Okay, well, we got to go over and see the President then to make sure that he’s fully informed — going back to the constitutional responsibilities — to make sure he’s fully informed. It’s a legal order, but I want to make sure. I’ve got duties to do here, constitutional duties that I’ve got to make sure he’s properly advised. So we go over to the White House. We walk into the National Security Advisor’s office, Robert O’Brien, hand him the order, said: Robert, where’s this coming from and is this true? And O’Brien says: I’ve never seen it before. Said okay. Kellogg is — Keith Kellogg, the National Security Advisor to the Vice President, is there. Kellogg says: Let me see this piece of paper. Kellogg takes the piece of paper, looks at it. He says: Something is really wrong here, this doesn’t look right.

And I looked at Kellogg and I said: You’re telling me that thing is forged? That’s a forged piece of paper directing a military operation by the President of the United States, that’s forged, Keith? And he said: I don’t know, I don’t know. So O’Brien and Kellogg then say: Give us a few minutes.

And they go away. I assume, I don’t know factually, but I assume it was to see the President. They come back 10 or 15 minutes later and they say: It’s rescinded. It’s over. It never existed. I said: Okay, fine. So it doesn’t exist. So I’ve seen reversals, like the little story about Gina, I’ve seen that before in that administration, these immediate reversals when challenged on specific things if they’re not rigorously thought out, et cetera. So that’s an example.

[….]

Forged?

It appears that General Milley took his oath seriously.

Too many people bear responsibility for all of this.

Go to the transcripts. Pick one, any one. You will and should be horrified.

Jennifer Williams, Special Advisor to the Vice President

17 Sunday Nov 2019

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 2 Comments

Tags

bribery, corruption, deposition, Donald Trump, impeachment, Jennifer Williams, Mike Pence, transcript

“Again, I would say that it struck me as unusual and inappropriate.”

“Ms. Williams, that’s not the question. How did it make you feel?”

“I guess for me it shed some light on possible other motivations behind a security assistance hold.”

It’s not a smoking gun, it’s more than that. It’s a smoldering crater.

A deposition transcript of Jennifer Williams, Special Advisor to the Vice President, was released last night:

PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE, joint with the
COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND REFORM
and the
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

DEPOSITION OF: JENNIFER WILLIAMS

[….]

Q Was there any discussion of the reason for the hold in that small group?

A No.

Q No. I mean, it seems a litt1e odd that there’s this hold in place that’s been in place since July 3, as you said, the entire interagency supports lifting the hold, the Vice President anticipates getting questions about it from President Zelensky, but there’s no discussion of like why are we even doing this, like why is this hold in place?

A That’s correct.

Q Okay. Are you familiar with a firsthand on first-person cable that Ambassador Taylor drafted and sent to Secretary Pompeo, and that we believe was further distributed possibly to the White House?

A I am. I’ve read the cable.

Q Were you on the distribution of the cable?

A I received it, I believe, from State Department colleagues, but not on the original distribution, since it was a limited cable that went straight to the Secretary’s office.

Q Do you remember who sent it to you or how you got it?

A I don’t recall, to be honest. It might have been from NSC colleagues.

Q Do you recall what the cable said?

A It was a cable outlining Ambassador Taylor’s rationale on the importance of our U.S. security assistance to Ukraine, and why it was important for the security assistance to continue to flow.

Q Do you recall him saying that the hold was folly?

A Yes.

Q Do you recall anything else that he said, on any other recommendations that he made?

A It was a lengthy cable. I don’t remember it verbatim, but I thought it was a very persuasive case.

Q Do you remember approximately when you received a copy of it, on obtained a copy of it? Was it before the Warsaw bilat?

A It was certainly before the Warsaw trip, because I recall reading it in the process of preparing for the trip. I don’t recall the precise date, but it would have been around that timeframe, end of August.

[….]

Q And I believe you testified that prior to the July 25 call, you had listened in on about a dozen other calls between President Trump and other foreign heads of state. Is that night?

A Probably, around that number.

Q Okay. During the July 25 call, did you have any concerns about the conversation that you heard between President Trump and President Zelensky?

A I certainly noted that the mention of those specific investigations seemed unusual as compared to other discussions with foreign leaders.

Q And why were they unusual?

A I believed those references to be more political in nature and so that struck me as unusual.

Q Were you involved in preparing talking points for President Trump for that July 25 call?

A No.

Q Okay. Did you see the call package on talking points in advance of the call?

A No.

Q So you just — you learned about the call and were asked to participate in it?

A Correct.

Q Okay. As you were sitting in the Situation Room and you were taking notes, did you notice whether other people were taking notes?

A Yes, others were taking notes as well.

Q Do you recall who took notes during the call?

A I believe everybody in the room was taking notes, yes.

Q Okay. Prior to the July 25 call, you said that these things, the investigations that you said were political and unusual, had you even heard President Trump or anybody else in the Office of the Vice President on the White House raise the issue of CrowdStrike or the Ukrainian server?

A. No.

Q. I mean, on the DNC server?

A. No.

Q So that was — that struck you as — that was something new?

A I had never heard the word “CrowdStrike” before, so that’s why it struck me as noteworthy.

Q Okay. And what about the — President Trump’s raising the issue of the 2016 election during the call? Had there been discussion in the Office of the Vice President or the White House, to your knowledge, about concerns about possible Ukrainian interference in the 2O16 U.S. Presidential election? Had you heard anything —

A No, not to my knowledge.

Q Okay. So that wasn’t anything that was part of the official U.S. policy channel?

A No.

Q What about investigating the Bidens?

A I had never heard discussion of that issue prior to that phone call.

Q Okay. Do you recall what language President Zelensky was speaking during the phone call?

A I don’t. My understanding, he’s more comfortable in Russian. But not speaking either Ukrainian on Russian, I can’t confirm that.

Q Well, was he speaking English —

A No.

Q — the whole time?

A No. The call was interpreted on both sides.

Q So in your other calls with — that you listened in on between President Trump and foreign heads of state, had any other issues that you would describe as political been raised, on domestic political issues been raised in those calls?

A No.

Q How did General Kellogg react when President Trump raised these political issues on the July 25 call?

A I didn’t sense any reaction. We were all really just focused on taking notes.

Q Did you notice a reaction from anyone in the room?

A No. Honestly, we were all petty busy taking notes in the moment, and we didn’t have any follow-on conversations about it.

Q And I believe you testified you never spoke to General Kellogg about the call afterwards?

A I did not.

Q Did you speak to anybody about the fact that you found these — the call unusual on that political issues had come up in a call with a foreign leader?

A No, I did not.

Q Were you aware of whether Ambassador Vo1ken on Ambassador Sondland had prepared the Ukrainians to expect President Trump to raise these political issues on the call? Were you aware of that?

A I was not aware of that.

Q So you weren’t aware of like text messages and phone conversations they were having with Andrey Yenmak behind the scenes?

A No.

Q Okay. Were you aware, after the Warsaw bilat in September, of a proposal to have President Zelensky do a televised interview during which he would announce the investigations into 2016 election interference, Burisma, on the Bidens? Were you aware of that?

A No, I was not aware of that.

Q So there was no discussions of that in the official Ukraine policy — policymaking channel?

A No.

Q No, okay. Now, I believe minority counsel had asked you that — or maybe it was Mr. Meadows had asked about the fact that after the bilat in Warsaw, Vice President Pence was going to call President Trump to relay, I guess, the positive feedback he got from President Ze1ensky. Did you participate in that phone call that night?

A No, I didn’t.

Q Okay. Do you know that a phone call did occur though between the Vice President and the President?

A I believe he did have a phone call with the President, but, again, I don’t know what topics they discussed.

Q Okay. But President Trump didn’t — after that phone call did not immediately release the hold on the security assistance, did he?

A No.

Q It wasn’t until about 10 days later that the hold was lifted?

A That’s connect.

Q And I believe you testified that it was on September 9, so 2 days before the hold was lifted, that you became aware that the Congress had launched an investigation into the freeze and the Ukrainian issues more generally. Is that night?

A I believe so. I can’t recall if it was the 9th or the 10th, but, yes it was before the hold was lifted

Q Was that investigation discussed within the Office of the Vice President?

A No.

Q Did you have any discussions with General Kellogg about the investigation?

A No. I’m trying to remember where I learned of it, but, no, I didn’t have any conversations.

[….]

Q Okay. Are you aware of the call between Vice President Pence and President Zelensky on September 18?

A Yes.

Q What was the purpose of that call?

A The purpose was to follow up on his successful meeting with President Zelensky on September 1, and to reiterate the news that the security assistance hold had been lifted, and that the security assistance would be provided. We knew at that point that President Zelensky was already aware that the security assistance would be
released. But because the Vice President had a successful meeting with President Zelensky, it was a good opportunity for them to have a follow-on conversation.

Q And did you listen in on the call?

A Yes.

Q Can you describe the conversation for us?

A Sure. It was a very positive discussion, again, kind of following up on their successful meeting from September 1, as well as, at that point, I believe it was just prior to President Trump’s first meeting with President Zelensky in New York, which, I believe, took place the following week. So it was a good opportunity to kind of bridge that gap and to convey that the President — President Trump was looking forward to meeting President Zelensky in New York the following week, and the Vice President reiterated the news that the security assistance had been released.

[….]

MR. RASKIN: Some people would say that diplomacy itself is inherently political, and so everything diplomatic is, by definition, political a1so, but you had a strong reaction to that. Can you spe1l out what you saw as improperly political about those mentions?

MS. WILLIAMS: I believe I found the specific references to be — to be more specific to the President in nature, to his personal political agenda, as opposed to a broader —

MR. RASKIN: Do you mean related to a campaign?

MS. WILLIAMS: Potentially, as opposed to a broader foreign policy objective of the United States.

MR. RASKIN: Okay. Thank you, Mr. Chainman.

[….]

MR. HECK: Thank you, Mr. Chainman. Ms. Wi11iams, thank you again very much for being here. I actually want to briefly follow up on a question that Congressman Swalwell asked. He asked you how it made you feel when you heard the President in the July 25th call invoke the specter of investigations for which you’ve now characterized as personal political interest. And your response to that was that you found them unusual and political. But the question was how did it make you feel? Given that what you’ve just said, would it be fair to infer that it made you
uncomfortable?

MS. WILLIAMS: I guess I would say, as a diplomatic professional, I try to keep my own personal feelings out of, you know, the day-to-day work, but —

MR. HECK: You had no personal feeling response to that, given how you’ve characterized it?

MS. WILLIAMS: Again, I would say that it struck me as unusual and inappropriate.

MR. HECK: Ms. Williams, that’s not the question. How did it make you feel?

MS. WILLIAIMS: I guess for me it shed some light on possible other motivations behind a security assistance hold.

[….]

Q The information you received from Marc Short’s assistant on May 13th — was that the day?

A Correct.

Q You were told by Marc Short’s assistant that the VP was not going on the trip?

A Correct.

Q And did the assistant — I think you said it was a she, right?

A Yes.

Q Did she explain why on how she came to learn that?

A My best recollection is that she informed me that the VP would not be traveling to Ukraine for the inauguration. And I asked her, why not? And my best recollection is that she then let me know that the President had determined that the Vice President should not go.

[….]

Bad combover. Check. Too long red tie. Check. Orange spray tan. Check. Tiny hands. Check. Cluelessness. Check…

George P. Kent, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs

09 Saturday Nov 2019

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 4 Comments

Tags

deposition, Donald Trump, George Kent, impeachment, transcript, Ukraine

It’s not a smoking gun, it’s more than that. It’s a smoldering crater.

Excerpts from a deposition:

George P. Kent
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs

Conducted on October 15, 2019

House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
House Committee on Oversight and Reform
House Committee on Foreign Affairs

[….]

Q: In your belief, in your understanding, in your experience, why was the Ambassador recalled?

A: Based on what I know, Yuriy Lutsenko, as prosecutor general, vowed revenge, and provided information to Rudy Giuliani in hopes that he would spread it and lead to her removal. I believe that was the rationale for Yuriy Lutsenko doing what he did. Separately, there are individuals that I mentioned before, including Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman, who started reaching out actively to undermine Ambassador Yovanovitch, starting in 2018 with a meeting with former Congressman Pete Sessions on May 9th, 2018, the same day he wrote a letter to Secretary Pompeo impugning Ambassador Yovanovitch’s loyalty and suggesting that she be removed. And others also in 2018 were engaged in an effort to undermine her standing by claiming that she was disloyal. So that’s the early roots of people following their own agendas and using her as an instrument to fulfill those agendas.

[….]

Q: Following this January 9th meeting, when is the next time that you learned about any involvement of Rudy Giuliani in Ukraine matters?

A: On February 11th, there was a seminar hosted at the U.S. Institute of Peace, about the conflict in Donbas, and the Minister of Interior, Arsen Avakov, came and participated presenting his plans for what he calls a plan of small steps. We had a separate meeting, since I’m the leading policymaker focused on the region. And during that meeting, he let me know that Yuriy Lutsenko, the then-prosecutor general of Ukraine, had made a private trip to New York in which he met Rudy Giuliani. I said, did he know what the purpose was, and the Minister of Interior Avakov said it was to throw mud. And I said, throw mud at whom? And he said, a lot of people. I asked him, whom? And he said, towards Masha, towards you, towards others.

Q: Masha is Marie Yovanovitch?

A: Former Ambassador Yovanovitch, yes.

[….]

So I would say the breaking point of our disillusionment with Yuriy Lutsenko came in late 2017, by that point he had been in office for a year and a half, and there was a specific case, and it was as emblematic as the diamond prosecutor case had been for Shokin. The National Anti Corruption Bureau, NABU, became aware because of [a] complaint that there was a ring of Ukrainian state officials that were engaged in selling biometric passports, Ukrainian passports, to people who did not have the right to the passports, including foreigners. And the ring included [the] deputy head of the migration service, a woman named Pimakova (ph), as well as people collaborating in the security service of Ukraine. And, obviously, for our own integrity, you know, we want to know that a passport from a country is issued to the correct person. And as this case was developing, Lutsenko became aware of it, and this corrupt official who was sort of the apex of the scheme went to him or to the prosecutors and became essentially a cooperating witness for them. And so they basically busted up the ring or they busted up the investigation by NABU. And then he went further and exposed the undercover agents that had been a part of this case. So that’s obviously a fundamental perversion of law and order to expose undercover agents. They were actually engaged in pursuing an actual crime, whereas, he was essentially colluding with a corrupt official to undermine the investigation. And so this case was critical to us because when we searched the database it turned out that a number of the passports that had been issued as part of these schemes had gone to individuals who had applied for U.S. visas. So we were very angry and upset because this threatened our security, and it potentially also threatened their ability to retain their visa free status in the European Union.

[….]

Q: So what else did the State Department do? I mean, this seems like it is a major threat to the Ambassador, and major threat to the State Department. What type of additional full-throated maneuvers did the State Department take here?

A: The request from the embassy endorsed by the European Bureau, there should be a high-level endorsement of Ambassador Yovanovitch.

Q: And then what happened there?

A: There was no high-level Department endorsement of Ambassador Yovanovitch.

Q: What did the State Department do? You described a series of complete falsehoods in your words.

A: Yes.

Q: Fabrications, a fake list, that is going to the heart of the ability of the Ambassador to serve effectively.

A: Correct.

Q: And so is it fair to say this was a big league crisis for the Ambassador?

A: This particularly after there were Tweets by members of the Presidential family, it was clearly a crisis for Ambassador Yovanovitch and a crisis that was threating to consume the relationship. So our recommendation to our superiors was that there should be a clear statement of support for Ambassador Yovanovitch.

[….]

Q: And what does the State Department do? It didn’t seem like the efforts were sufficient.

A: There were exchanges at this point with officials, including, to the best of my recollection, Under Secretary Hale. It may have included the Counselor of the Department, Brechbuhl, at that point. And there was a suggestion made, and I can’t remember by whom, initially, but eventually, Gordon Sondland, our Ambassador to the E.U. also joined some of the back and forth that Ambassador Yovanovitch should issue a statement, or do a video or tweet declaring full support for the foreign policy of President Trump, essentially asking her to defend herself as opposed to having the State Department defend her.

[….]

Q: On April 29th, Bill Taylor sent a WhatsApp message to Kurt Volker describing a conversation that you had with Bill Taylor in which you talked about two, quote, two snake pits, one in Kyiv, and one in Washington. And then Mr. Taylor went on to say that you, Mr. Kent, described much more than he knew, and it was very ugly. Do you recall having that conversation along these lines with Mr. Taylor?

A: I had many conversations with Chargé Taylor, and my reference to the snake pits would have been in the context of having had our Ambassador just removed through actions by corrupt Ukrainians in Ukraine as well as private American citizens back here. Q: And what corrupt Ukrainians in the Ukraine were you talking about? A: The series of corrupt former—or still current prosecutors who engaged former Mayor Giuliani and his associates, and those included former Prosecutor General Shokin, the then Prosecutor General Yuriy Lutsenko, who no longer is, the special anticorruption prosecutor, Nazar Kholodnytsky, and another deputy prosecutor general named Kostiantyn Kulyk.

[….]

Q: Did you have any discussions with anyone else at the State Department by midJuly, and time up to mid-July or prior to, about Mr. Giuliani’s potential influence on the President and the fact that what he was advocating may be contrary to official U.S. policy?

A: I did not, in part because after Giuliani attacked me, as well as Ambassador Yovanovitch and the entire embassy, in his late May interview, I was told to keep my head down and lower my profile in Ukraine.

Q: Who told you that?

A: The message was relayed from my supervisor, Acting Assistant Secretary Reeker message relayed [sic] from Under Secretary Hale.

Q: Do you know if it became [sic] from above Under Secretary Hale?

A: All I know is that Assistant Secretary Reeker, after a meeting with Under Secretary Hale said that Under Secretary Hale had directed me to keep my head down and a lower profile in Ukraine.

[….]

Q: Following that meeting you said that Secretary Perry, Ambassador Sondland and Ambassador Volker had asserted that they were leading Ukrainian policy efforts? Did I get that right?

A: Correct.

Q: Who had asserted that?

A: Well, the three of them asserted that. And citing the fact that they had briefed the President coming out of that meeting, they felt they had the mandate to take the lead on coordinating efforts to engage the new Ukrainian leadership.

[….]

I do not recall whether the follow-on conversation I had with Kurt about this was in Toronto, or whether it was subsequently at the State Department. But he did tell me that he planned to start reaching out to the former Mayor of New York, Rudy Giuliani. And when I asked him why, he said that it was clear that the former mayor had influence on the President in terms of the way the President thought of Ukraine. And I think by that moment in time, that was self-evident to anyone who was working on the issues, and therefore, it made sense to try to engage the mayor. When I raised with Kurt, I said, about what? Because former Mayor Giuliani has a track record of, you know, asking for a visa for a corrupt former prosecutor. He attacked Masha, and he’s tweeting that the new President needs to investigate Biden and the 2016 campaign. And Kurt’s reaction, or response to me at that was, well, if there’s nothing there, what does it matter? And if there is something there, it should be investigated. My response to him was asking another country to investigate a prosecution for political reasons undermines our advocacy of the rule of law.

[….]

A: It was described as a hold, not a freeze. There was a representative of the Office of Management and Budget. I was at the State Department in a secure video conference. I did not recognize the face. And I believe the individual representing OMB at the time was not normally the person who did. It was the summer vacation cycles. And he just stated to the rest of the those [sic] participants, either in person or video screens, that the head of the Office of Management and Budget who was the acting chief of staff, Mick Mulvaney, at the direction of the President had put a hold on all security assistance to the Ukraine.

Q: Mulvaney had put a hold at the direction of the President. Is that what you heard?

A: That is what the representative of the Office of Management and Budget stated in the sub-PCC on July 18th, yes.

Q: Was there any discussion following that announcement?

A: There was great confusion among the rest of us because we didn’t understand why that had happened. …

Q: Did OMB provide any reasoning beyond simply it was at the direction of the President?

A: Not to my recollection, no.

Q: So they didn’t describe why the President had placed this hold?

A: There was a lack of clarity.

Q: What do you mean by that?

A: The participants who up until that point had thought that there was unanimity that this was in our national interest did not receive an explanation for why this particular action was taken.

[….]

Q: What did he tell you to the best of your recollection?

A: It was different than any read-out call that I had received. He felt—I could hear it in his voice and his hesitancy that he felt uncomfortable. He actually said that he could not share the majority of what was discussed because of the very sensitive nature of what was discussed. He first described the atmospherics and compared it to the previous call, which was April 21st. That had been a short, bubbly, positive, congratulatory call from someone who had just won an election with 73 percent. He said this one was much more, the tone was cooler, reserved. That President Zelensky tried to turn on the charm, and he is a comedian and a communicator, but that the dynamics didn’t click in the way that they had on April 21st. Again, he did not share the majority of what was said. I learned the majority of the content after reading the declassified read-out. He did share several points. He mentioned that the characterization of the Ambassador as bad news. And then he paused, and said, and then the conversation went into the direction of some of the most extreme narratives that have been discussed publicly. That’s all he said. Later on, he said that he made reference to a back and forth about the prosecutor general, that would be Lutsenko, saying, you’ve got a good guy, your prosecutor general, and he’s being attacked by bad guys around you, is how I recall Lieutenant Colonel Vindman characterizing it. And then he, in summation, he said in his assessment, Zelensky did not cross any line. He said that Zelensky said, if anything bad had happened in the past, that was the old team. I’m a new guy, I’ve got a new team, and anything we do will be transparent and honest.

Q: And is that as much as you can remember from your—

A: And then there was—I think the last thing that Lieutenant Colonel Vindman mentioned was there about a brief mention by Zelensky about U.S.—interested in working on energy-related issues. Previously, I should have said, at the front earlier in the conversation, that he said that[,] Lieutenant Colonel Vindman told me that President Zelensky had thanked the U.S. for all of its military assistance. That the U.S. did a lot for Ukraine. And Lieutenant Colonel Vindman told me that the President replied, yes, we do, and it’s not reciprocal.

[….]

Q: I want to ask you actually about what the President said, because he didn’t talk generically about corruption. He asked for a favor involving an investigation into CrowdStrike and that conspiracy theory and for an investigation into the Bidens. Is it appropriate for the President of the United States in the context of an ally seeking military support to ask that ally to investigate his political rival?

A: The first time I had detailed knowledge of that narrative was after the White House declassified the transcript that was prepared—not transcript, the record of conversation that was prepared by staff at the White House. As a general principle, I do not believe the U.S. should ask other countries to engage in politically associated investigations and prosecutions.

Q: Particularly those that may interfere with the U.S. election?

A: As a general principle, I don’t think that as a matter of policy the U.S. should do that period, because I have spent much of my career trying to improve the rule of law. And in countries like Ukraine and Georgia, both of which want to join NATO, both of which have enjoyed billions of dollars of assistance from Congress, there is an outstanding issue about people in office in those countries using selectively politically motivated prosecutions to go after their opponents. And that’s wrong for the rule of law regardless of what country that happens.

Q: And since that is really U.S. policy to further the rule of law and to discourage political investigations, having the President of the United States effectively ask for a political investigation of his opponent would run directly contrary to all of the anticorruption efforts that we were making. Is that a fair statement?

A: I would say that request does not align with what has been our policy towards Ukraine and many other countries, yes. …

A: I believe it is a matter of U.S. policy and practice, particularly since I have worked in the area of promoting the rule of law, that politically related prosecutions are not the way of promoting the rule of law, they undermine the rule of law.

Q: But is that written as a policy somewhere or is that just standard practice?

A: I have never been in a position or a meeting where I’ve heard somebody suggest that politically motivated prosecutions are in the U.S. national interest.

[….]

Frankly, what a private citizen tweets is an exercise in one way of First Amendment rights, but when you have U.S. Government employees, or in this case, a special U.S. Government employee potentially seemingly to align to that view, that’s when it became real for me and a matter of concern. And that was, as I said, I said the 15th or the 16th, because the next day, I had a conversation with Chargé Taylor in which he amplified the same theme. And he indicated that Special Representative Volker had been engaging Andriy Yermak; that the President and his private attorney, Rudy Giuliani, were interested in the initiation of investigations; and that Yermak was very uncomfortable when this was raised with him, and suggested that if that were the case, if that were really the position of the United States, it should be done officially and put in writing, essentially what I described to Catherine the day before, which is the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty option. And I told Bill Taylor, that’s wrong, and we shouldn’t be doing that as a matter of U.S. policy.

[….]

A: And so after having had these two conversations, I wrote a note to the file saying that I had concerns that there was an effort to initiate politically motivated prosecutions that were injurious to the rule of law, both Ukraine and the U.S. I informed the senior official still present and the European Bureau at 7:30 on a Friday night in the middle of the summer, which was Michael Murphy, and informed him of my intent to write a note to the file, which he agreed was the right thing to do.

Q: And when you say politically motivated investigations, are you referring to investigations that were also referenced in that July 25 call record?

A: At the time, I had no knowledge of the specifics of the call record, but based on Bill Taylor’s account of the engagements with Andriy Yermak that were engagements of Yermak with Kurt Volker, at that point it was clear that the investigations that were being suggested were the ones that Rudy Giuliani had been tweeting about, meaning Biden, Burisma, and 2016.

Q: And I understand you didn’t know the contents of the call record, but now being able to read the call record as you have, you are referring to the Biden investigation that the President mentioned, as well as the CrowdStrike 2016 investigation. Is that right?

A: Those align with the Rudy Giuliani tweet. I think it was June 21, as well as some of the other story lines from earlier in the spring before President Zelensky was elected.

[….]

A: I came back after Labor Day. The next communication or data point that I can recall was a WhatsApp message that Chargé Taylor sent me on September 7, which would have been, I think, the Saturday after Labor Day.

Q: And what did that WhatsApp message say?

A: Chargé Taylor indicated that he had talked to Tim Morrison, who is the senior director for Europe, who replaced Fiona Hill. And Tim indicated that he had talked to Gordon. And Gordon had told him, Tim, and Tim told Bill Taylor, that he, Gordon, had talked to the President, POTUS in sort of shorthand, and POTUS wanted nothing less than President Zelensky to go to microphone and say investigations, Biden, and Clinton.

… Q: Okay. Moments ago you referenced the name Clinton?

A: What I said—

Q: Could you just go through that again?

A: Right. Q: I haven’t heard that name lately.

A: That was a message—that was described in the shorthand of the desire to have— this was the Gordon Sondland messaging of what the Ukrainians need to say in shorthand 2016. And in shorthand, it was suggested that the Ukrainians needed— Zelensky needed to go to a microphone and basically there needed to be three words in the message, and that was the shorthand.

Q: Clinton was shorthand for 2016?

A: 2016, yes.

[….]

A: I did have several interactions with other State Department officials on Tuesday, October 1st.

Q: With whom?

A: With the director general of the Foreign Service, and with the acting L [Acting Legal Adviser], so to speak, Marek [Marik] String.

Q: And what was the purpose of those conversations?

A: I approached the director general late in the afternoon—mid-afternoon on October 1st, because I had not had any contact from any member on the leadership of the Department. And there was a letter sent to these committees that characterized interactions that I do not feel was accurate.

Q: Can you explain what you didn’t feel was accurate?

A: Well, there was a line in there that the committees had been attempting to bully, intimidate, and threaten career foreign service officers. And I was one of two career foreign service officers which had received letters from the committees, and I had not felt bullied, threatened, and intimidated. There was another line in there that suggested that the career Foreign Service officers had requested the committees to route all communications through House liaison and I think your colleague who—[Committee staff], who sent the initial email on Friday night received my reply, which indicated that I acknowledged receipt, and that our congressional liaison had requested that the information be routed to them. So I was concerned that the letter itself did not accurately characterize the interaction.

Q: When you’re talking about the letter, you’re talking about the letter from Secretary Pompeo?

A: Correct.

[….]

Bad combover. Check. Too long red tie. Check. Orange spray tan. Check. Tiny hands. Check. Cluelessness. Check…

Missouri House Special Investigative Committee on Oversight – transcript of witness deposition – on Koster and Greitens

22 Tuesday May 2018

Posted by Michael Bersin in Missouri General Assembly, Missouri Governor, Missouri House, Missouri Senate

≈ 11 Comments

Tags

Eric Greitens., General Asembly, governor, impeachment, investigation, missouri, Missouri House Special Investigative Committee on Oversight, transcript

The Missouri House Special Investigative Committee on Oversight charged with investigating Governor Eric Greitens (r) is reading transcripts of depositions into the record via live stream today. It’s been going on for hours.

The witnesses testimony before the grand jury was identical to the transcripts of her testimony before the committee.

The deposition transcript of the opening cross examination of the witness by Governor Greitens’ attorney(s) consists of their badgering the witness. It might make sense for a criminal trial, but makes them all look like a jerks.

And Greitens’ state funded (other) attorneys thought allowing them cross examination during the impeachment process would be a good thing?

Chris Koster (D) [2016 file photo]

The witness testified in a deposition that she cut the hair of both Chris Koster (D) and Eric Greitens (r) as her clients before the election. After the election, while she was cutting Chris Koster’s hair he told her in November of 2016 that he knew about her relationship with Greitens before the election.

Chris Koster didn’t use that information before the election. You think it would have changed the outcome?

Eric Greitens (r) [2016 file photo].

An observation from Jason Rosenbaum:

Jason Rosenbaum @jrosenbaum
FWIW: The woman told the House committee earlier this year that she cut Koster’s hair. I sensed from talking w/ Koster about Greitens that his disdain went beyond normal animosity that comes from combative nature of electoral politics.
[….]
3:32 PM – 22 May 2018

Previously:

אַ שאַנדע פֿאַר די גוים and *IOKIYAR (January 11, 2018)

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 4

23 Wednesday Dec 2009

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Ethics Reform, General Assembly, Jason Kander, missouri, press conference, Tim Flook, transcript

Representatives Jason Kander (D) and Tim Flook (r) held a press conference on their ethics reform bill on December 14th in the House Lounge at the capitol.

Representatives Jason Kander (D)(left) and Tim Flook (r)(right).

Our previous coverage:

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 2

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 3

The transcript of the last half of the media question and answer session:

….Question: Representative Kander you mentioned that this legislation needs to evolve. Can you give an example of how that would happen or a for instance?

Representative Kander: Well, if I, if I knew, uh, how this legislation needed to evolve I promise you we would have done it. And, and my argument is more that what happens is, you know, fighting public corruption is like fighting any other kind of crime. And it’s, you know what, if people are gonna, are gonna take criminal actions they’re gonna find a way to take criminal actions to go around the laws [inaudible] as they can. And my argument is simply that, uh, that you have to stay one step ahead whenever possible and you have to make them stay one step ahead. You have to look at what needs to be fixed. And I’m simply saying we’re not telling you this is the permanent fix. I don’t want people to see this as the permanent fix `cause in ten years, if people figure out how to get around this I don’t want everyone to go, hey, well Flook and Kander fixed that, we don’t need to address it. Uh, I just don’t think that’s how, how it works in ethics reform legislation….

….Question: A question on the forth bullet, [inaudible] pay for play. If for, if for, if for example one of you was approached by a special interest group and they said we want to get legislation [inaudible] passed and then you say, you know, I don’t want, I don’t think, I don’t like that. And they’re like, well, we’ll give your campaign [inaudible] fifty thousand dollars. And then you’re like, well, I can’t do that `cause this law, send it to the, you know, DHCC or the RHCC. Would that still be considered pay for play?

Representative Kander: Probably be two felonies. It would probably be, the first felony being that you’d be taking a campaign contribution in direct exchange for performing an official act and the second felony would be, it’d be, uh, moving money through committees solely for the purpose of obscuring the original donor.

Representative Flook: And, and, and right now that would be illegal. Right now, under different law. So, um, I think the real focus here is this, uh, changing, changing the discussion. Changing the discussion and to get elected officials, people that are running for office to start campaigning on I will be fully disclosing who supports me. And getting the mindset changed. And, on the issue of, of, uh, everybody will want to write this about pay to play, you know the urge is gonna be there. The fact of the matter is that’s not really what it’s all about. It’s really about disclosure, [inaudible] disclosure. And I’ve been in this caucus now for, this will be my, my sixth year this year. And I’ve been chairman of, of what some consider a powerful committee in the House. I have never been approached with anything like that. Ever. And the rules right now are set up to help deter that. We want to close the circle to make sure it doesn’t happen. And for me, I see this as, as, as a Republican and I, I work with these other Republicans here, and, and, just like Representative Kander works with his Democrat friends. We see a lot of people spending the vast majority of their time trying to follow the rules. And because of a potential loophole there’s accusations that things are going on that aren’t. And then because of existing laws there’s things that appear bad, all right. So, what we’re gonna try to do is zero in on some of these things. Close the loopholes so that if somebody makes an accusation there is a remedy. And you know what that does? That makes people that make those accusations take `em far more seriously, because there’s an actual consequence to the accusation. If you think somebody is violating the law then you need to step up and say it and report it. And you need to follow through. And we’re making sure there’s a law on the books. So when somebody comes up and wants to accuse my Speaker or somebody I work direct, directly with of pay to play, and I know they’re wrong, then I can say to `em, I can look at them honestly and say, here’s the law on the books right here. If you really think that happened, sir, there it is right there, do something about it. [crosstalk] And I think that’s important for public trust.

Representative Kander: Real quick, let me add to that. Um, I have no idea what’s going on with, you know, the FBI and all this stuff, in this [inaudible] like I mentioned, this spectator sport in Jeff City. I have no idea what’s going on with FBI investigations and I promise you that’s the way my [inaudible] wants to say it, right. And that’s how it’s gonna say it. But, and remember Representative Flook says, there’s a law for this already, supported, we’re talking about Federal law, and we’re talking about FBI agents and Federal prosecutors working out of Kansas City and St. Louis, for the most part, and have a lot of fish to fry. And all we’re doing is we’re expanding the jurisdiction of state law to make sure that there are more individuals in the state who have jurisdiction over this and their [inaudible] to [inaudible].

Representative Flook: And we’re gonna model the Federal approach in a lot of ways and create more tools. And, we hope, create more trust in the process.

Representative Kander: Right.

Question: How do you help the public understand, though, the difference between the normal contributions and the pay to play idea. Let me use your example that you already used. You, you support stem cell research, I assume people who support stem cell research have supported your campaigns. How do I tell the difference between those contributions and something that would look like you got extra money because you voted for a specific bill that supports stem cell research?

Representative Flook: Well, I think that if, if, if you reduce the number of intramural committees floating around out there, the ability of somebody to see how donations flow is, is a lot better. I think that’s the best way to describe it. And bear in mind there is a, there is a First Amendment right of association, and the First Amendment right to become involved advocating an issue. So, our ability to wipe out committees doesn’t exist. And, and I, and I, I think in some respects the First Amendment rule is correct, we want people to be able to voice their, their positions, um, we don’t want to stop `em. But, we can, if we can eliminate some of these, some of these committees floatin’ around at a high level that really, really don’t need to be there for First Amendment purposes, their only purpose would be to find the legal loophole to create large donations. Okay.  You know, if you look, whether it’s the governor or any leader in the House or Senate on both sides of the aisle, anybody on politics in this state is gonna raise a lot of money. It doesn’t take a fifth grade education to look at the art at how campaign donations have risen faster than inflation in the last twenty y
ears. That being the case, we think we need to make steps toward more disclosure and more direct disclosures. If you say you’re for campaign finance limits that’s fine, then be for them. And, uh, and don’t take donations that are broken down through multiple committees. If you, if you say that, uh, if you say that, uh, you are not supported by the teachers unions then decline their donation. And if committees receiving that are sending it to you then you’ll have to ask yourself, do I want to receive support from that committee? I know a large part of their, their donation base is coming from this community and do I really support that community or not? And if I take it do I need to change my position?

Question: You’ve mentioned a couple times that most people here are doing the right thing already. Do you see that there’s an ethics problem in the capitol right now?

Representative Flook: Well, I think that for me, I think the problem is perception. The problem is, is perception is, is with these, these incidents around the state over the last, well, just the last six years, say, um, any, any of those incidents can, can be written about in the press, they can be discussed at the kitchen table or at the coffee shops and it casts doubt on what we’re all trying to do down here. And if you get Representative Kander and I on the right topic we can go at it all afternoon, on debate. You know, and, but I, I think that what is lost in all this translation, in all these stories that is, how many people here are really good people trying to do the right thing. And, and while I might disagree with Representative Kander on a long laundry list of political philosophical issues I never doubted his integrity, character down here at all. I know exactly who I’m dealing with, he’s an honest person trying to follow the rules. And that’s what most of us are. And we cannot establish new policy or install good long term healthy economic growth or, or budget management if people don’t have faith in what we’re doing and understand that when they pay taxes and, and render, and render under the government their obligations that we’re in return trying to uphold the highest standards of integrity we can. So we want to eliminate that perception by closing loopholes, or helping reduce that perception, rather, by closing loopholes together, working together.

Question: [crosstalk]

Representative Kander: There’s two things I want to say to that. Um, the first is, it doesn’t really matter whether we believe there’s currently an ethics problem. It doesn’t really matter who we believe might have an ethics problem, if we do. I’m not gonna get into that game because the second I start pointing fingers on either side of the aisle is the second I start creating enemies for this bill. And that doesn’t do anything for the state, it doesn’t accomplish ethics reform, uh, getting to the, to the Governor’s desk getting signed. And the second is, to what Representative Flook’s talking about, about the, the issue of public perception, that’s the second reason it doesn’t really matter whether or not we believe there’s a specific ethics problem in this capitol because the public obviously does. It’s a, I`ve, I’ve been to a place where the public has completely lost faith in their government to, to act in their best interest. And I’ve seen the extreme of that, and I’m not suggesting that that’s what Missouri is gonna look like. But I am suggesting that when people lose faith in their government to act in a legitimate manner they stop volunteering, they stop having hope about what’s gonna happen in their community. And every effort we can make in order to restore that hope and restore that confidence in government, it may not work every time, and it may not work completely, but it’s an effort worth making.

Question:  Rep, representative, to clarify, when you’re talking about incidents across the state are you talking about lawmakers getting arrested and charged with crimes? Or is it broader than that?

Representative Flook: Well, I think it’s staff, but it’s also just accusations. You know it, um, somebody perfectly, with, with, with compliance with the law can set up and use multiple committees. It happens all the time. Um, as soon as somebody does that the party that doesn’t like what that person believes in attacks them. They attack them, say, oh, look how evil he is, he set up all these committees. Well, in fact they follow the law. But, it creates that perception, all right. And for us, what I want is, I want a playing field where people disclose who they’re directly getting support from. And, Representative Kander agrees. So we think that if we can, we can reduce the number of, of, I call `em, intramural committees floating around that that will really help get more legislators to, to approach this issue like, like he and I do. Which is, okay, am I really for this? If I am I need to stand up and be for it or against it and accept or reject support based on that. And it’s, it’s, it’s an important step. That’s what we liked about the Zimmerman, uh, the Zimmerman, uh, Yates bill from last year.

Question: In, in a year like this, of course there have been these incidents and arrests, and at least one of your former colleagues going to jail, you know, the FBI around asking questions. What’s the effect on this body? What’s the effect on people in the capitol, elected representatives, as it relates to their ability to do their jobs, their ability to work with each other? How is this year, uh, affected the overall mood to this building?

Representative Kander: I don’t think we know.

Representative Flook: Well, I, I, I would say, uh, um, we’ll, we’ll see how it progresses. But I think that, uh, on a [inaudible] I think that job creation’s really what matters right now, balancing our budget and, and fighting inflation. And that’s what we’re really trying to do down here every day. I know Representative Kander really cares about that. But ethics legislation has to come up every few years in order to make sure that faith in government can exist. And I can go home and [inaudible] in support of my, of my constituents on, as me as an individual, but if I come down here and, uh, and all the stories are about ethical problems then we’re not, we’re not focusing on what we really need to focus on for the state. `Cause frankly, most people are pretty good people down here. And we are genuinely trying to put people to work and improve the state. And if we need to change the ethics rules a little bit, to help tighten `em up, in order to restore, uh, some, some faith in the system and keep ourselves vigilant on the ethics side, then we should do that. We should do that so we can focus on the bigger issues and put people to work on those types of [inaudible].

Representative Kander: It [inaudible]. We’ve got to be eternally vigilant to make sure the system is sound.

Question: On, on the three people that have stepped, sitting in the legislature, that have stepped down due to pleading guilty to felonies, two of them plead guilty to lying to Federal investigators about their congressional campaign. One of them took bribes, essentially. It seems like those crimes might, would they have been encompassed under this bill? Would they have been caught earlier? It just doesn’t seem like [crosstalk]…

Representative Kander: When you [crosstalk].

Question: …to connect.

Representative Kander: When you talk about, I think it absolutely connects. When you, when you talk about, uh, any Federal indictment that has to do with obstruction of justice you’re talking about had that been a state investigation and they’d obstructed justice that way in that investigation about that, there would not have been a state charge because there’s currently not a state statute for it. What we learned from that incident is that, you know, uh, during the Scooter Libby stuff, regardless of your stripes, Fitzgerald made, that’s why I can remember him saying it, made a very good argument at that time
. People said, why did you charge this person with obstruction justice of justice instead of the underlying crime? And the argument he made about the importance of an obstruction of justice felony provision is that it’s like a baseball game where the guy’s sliding into home and at the same time he throws sand in the umpire’s face. He can’t then say, well the umpire couldn’t call him out or safe, so he must be safe and there’s no consequence. What you can do is you can say, you can’t throw sand in the face of the umpire, there’s a separate crime for that. And when people are scared of a criminal provision, for throwing sand in the face of that umpire, they’re a whole lot less likely to do it. And that’s why, those individuals you talked about, who were convicted of obstruction of justice at the Federal level, had they done the exact same thing, in state law there wouldn’t be a consequence. And we want to make sure that there’s no free pass for lying to investigators [inaudible].

Question: What’s this bill number?

Representative Flook: When we filed, it hasn’t been assigned a number yet.

Question: On the criminal side [crosstalk].

Question: Can we get a copy of it?

Representative Kander: It’s really big, but we’ll give you a copy.

Question: [inaudible]

Question: Do you envision any prosecutor in the state being able to bring these crimes, uh, bring charges for crimes if the occur? Or is this gonna wind up being an extra load here in Cole County because the Ethics Commission is here, the legislature is here, and therefore, theoretically the crime occurred here?

Representative Kander: It can happen in a variety of ways. Um, our focus is on expanding the amount of people who have jurisdiction over this so more people will take action. Basically, all hands on deck, sort of philosophy, right. Well, right now the FBI can investigate any of this stuff, county, city, state. We just want one more entity that can do that. And yes, the Ethics Commission would therefore have jurisdiction to operate under these statutes, but so, too, would, uh, local investigators, so, too, would state, would state prosecutors. And so, too, would the Highway patrol’s investigative division….and it just brings us back to the whole point here, is to say, we don’t have to rely entirely on the FBI to do this, we can also do this in state government.

Question: So is this legislation reactionary to Smith etcetera, and recent [inaudible] going on with the felonies [inaudible].

Representative Flook: No, I wouldn’t say that, because, uh, that implies that, to say it’s reactionary is to say we hadn’t put thought into this prior to the incident, which is not the case. This is, these are concepts that have been around [inaudible] asked questions. What we’re hoping to do is, is that these incidents have shed light on those questions that we’ve been already trying to answer in other legislation in the past. So maybe with these recent incidents we’ll use them as little bit extra energy to move these bills. We know that there’s going to be several ethics bills filed this year, um, some of `em will be, will be, uh, bipartisan, I think [inaudible] ours is probably gonna be the most prominent bipartisan one we know of right now. Um, some of `em are quickly gonna be identified as, as partisan campaign maneuver. Um, we don’t know which is gonna be which, but we do know this, uh, we’ve got [inaudible] people talking about the topic. We’ve got a chance now to do something together and, and really make an effort that everybody can, can, can build on.

Question: If anything’s gonna happen, gonna wind up with some of those bills combined into one larger one?

Representative Flook: That could very well happen. I’ve already talked with the floor leader about this proposal. Um, uh, Steve Tilley would like to see some things added, added to it. I know that, uh, the Democrat, uh, uh, caucus would have some things they want to add. Uh, it’s hard to, it’s hard to put something like this through without having a lot of disagreement and a lot of, uh, a lot of [inaudible]. So, I have time for one more question and then I’m gonna [crosstalk].

Question: To clarify, [inaudible] is this essentially your cau, focus your caucus’ ethics bill? Is this [crosstalk]…

Representative Flook: No [crosstalk]…

Question: You [crosstalk]…

Representative Flook: …I wouldn’t say that. Because, um, [crosstalk] we still have to ask our own caucus members [crosstalk] to, to join with us. We have several people on both sides of the aisle will probably support this. I think on the whole our caucuses are, are genuinely interested in some, some, some real ethics reform. Um, and I think that, to the extent that we can build that body from there we’ll, we’ll keep pushing forward.

Question: But right now you’re independent contractors.

Representative Flook: In some way with the, yeah, but we do have the support of our leadership.

Representative Kander: Right, I mean, Representative LeVota’s already expressed an interest in co-sponsoring the bill, um, I know that Representative Flook’s had positive conversations with the Speaker, so.

We filibuster you guys? You got anything else? All right. Thanks a lot.

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 3

17 Thursday Dec 2009

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Ethics Reform, General Assembly, Jason Kander, missouri, press conference, Tim Flook, transcript

Representatives Jason Kander (D) and Tim Flook (r) held a press conference on their ethics reform bill late Monday morning in the House Lounge at the capitol.

Representatives Jason Kander (D)(left) and Tim Flook (r)(right).

Our previous coverage:

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 2

The transcript of the first half of the media question and answer session:

…Question: Last year, uh, Rex Sinquefield created a number of committees in, in the time that was legal, uh, and, and there were some who suggested that he made those committees so he could get around the existing campaign laws. Does this bill address that in any way?

Representative Tim Flook: Let me answer that. Uh, make sure it’s understood, this bill isn’t about Rex Sinquefield…

…Question: No, I [crosstalk]…

Representative Flook: It’s not…

Question: That’s [inaudible]…

Representative Flook: But I, I will tell you, um, one thing that’s, one thing that, I would frame it this way, uh, Representative Kander point [inaudible]. He and I had this discussion for over a year. That the reality of it is, that, that when you have multiple committees then there’s a temptation from legislators to pick up support here, but not ever admit or talk about it over there. And there’s legal methodologies for doing it. It’s legal. Uh, what Rex Sinquefield, what his, his donations were perfectly legal. Um, but, you know, I believe, and Representative Kander believes with me, that, uh, you should take the donation directly from who you receive support from, the public should be aware of it, and they should be judging you by that.

I support stem cell research. I’ve taken in, in, support from stem cell community. The general public deserves to know that. And if they feel like I, I’m not appropriate elected representative for their area they, they can vote accordingly. Just like my votes are on record. That’s what this is really about.

And one of the, one of the hot topic issues between Democrats and Republicans are campaign finance laws. Um, for, for me, particularly, I voted to remove the limits. I voted to remove them, one, because I believe philosophically you should be able to make whatever donation you want. But at the same time I also felt I would be willing to step up and support legislation like this to eliminate the use of these committees so that whenever you’re taking a large amount of support it’s known, and it’s directly known, and the legislator admits it up front. And, and, you know, for me, If I receive support from a committee I need to be prepared to, to talk about that. And that’s what this is really about. And I think if we eliminate that at, it, it makes the process more straightforward, it makes it more disclosed, and, although there are legal methodologies for donating to committees that can donate to other people, we would like to narrow that down so that we get more direct donations and more disclosure to the public on who and what we’re getting sup, uh, support by.

Representative Jason Kander: And to add to that, to add to that, you know, in essence your question is somewhat about campaign finance limits. Uh, and Representative Flook references it, and I think that is, that really speaks to how bipartisan this bill is. I, I believe that campaign finance limits would be a vital part of ethics reform. Representative Flook and I don’t completely see eye to eye on that issue. And that didn’t stop us from sitting down and saying what can we do to sort of satisfy both sides that, that believe that ethics reform is necessary and get us to the point where maybe we can get, uh, maybe from my side that believes in campaign finance limits, maybe it’ll open more people up on the Republican side to discussing them when we address these issues as well. Uh, I saw in the Independence Examiner I think today Representative Dusenberg said that he’s, he would look favorably now possibly upon a bill, uh, for campaign finance limits. I’m a cosponsor, Representative LeVota’s bill to re-impose campaign finance limits. But I’m not going to allow my advocacy for campaign finance limits to keep representative Flook and myself from getting a lot done this year as well.

Question: Last year we stood here around the same time of year and there was another bipartisan ethics bill, uh, and there was a bipartisan news conference proposing this ethics bill, uh, with some of the same, uh, information. There’s quite a bit different in this bill. What, what’s different, uh, in terms of getting such a bill through the legislature. Last year the ethics bills went nowhere.

Representative Flook: Well, uh, I , are you talking about  Representative Yates and Zimmerman?

Question: Yeah, Yates and Zimmerman.

Representative Flook: Okay, yeah. Well Representative Yates will not be here. He’s taken a job so, uh, which give me opportunity to become involved. Well I’ll tell you what’s, what’s different. Last year we had a lot of priorities we needed to move on. I, what, what has become different is, is that, you know, we’ve had incidents around the state, we have more people asking questions, and we’ve had a year of, frankly, debating these ideas on our own. Um, what, what I would impress upon you as members of the media is to recognize is that just because a bill doesn’t get out to the House floor doesn’t mean we’re not talking about it. Uh, you know, Representative Kander and I have these kind of discussions amongst ourselves and others. We sit around here at night drinking coffee during the, during the, the, the less, uh, sexy pieces of legislation, we sit back in the House lounge and talk to each other. And we talk about common ground. And one of our concerns was is that so much of the time ethics legislation is always turned into campaign politics. And you cannot get anything legitimate off the ground because it’s always being seen as trying to poke the other guy in the eye. You know, my, my philosophical belief and, uh, Representative Kander’s philosophical belief about owning up to who you’re receiving support from has nothing to do with, with anything else going on in the state. It’s a philosophical belief. But, by virtue of, of more questions being asked we see an opportunity to put it back out there and rejuvenate it. We didn’t want the efforts on the part of, of, uh, Representative Yates, Representative Zimmerman that we certainly agreed on, we don’t want to see those die on the vine. And we wanted to make this effort. I mean, we’re in communication with our leadership on both sides of the aisle on this bill. Um, we think it’s a good stepping off point to show that we’re really gonna try to resolve some things. We’ve had incidents in St. Louis, we’ve had incidents in Kansas City, um, you know, we want to make sure that the public understands that there are people down here working together and that, for the most part, we really are trying to do the right thing. The best way to show that is this joining together working on a bill that, uh, that changes the, changes some of the, the laws and close loopholes and help create a little more security and trust in, in our government.

Question: What, what I don’t see here, talk about pay to play, prohibition on the exchange of campaign contributions for legislative action, what I don’t see is specific language that says, uh, no contributions during the session. Uh, you didn’t go there, why not?

Representative Kander: Well, I mean, actually, it’s not a
conversation we’ve had to a great degree but I would speculate in front of everybody, uh, that a lot of it has to do with just, there was a court case that, that had issue with that. And I think what we didn’t want to do was get pretty far down the road and then be faced with a [inaudible] court challenge.

Representative Flook: Yeah, and, and to that point, that, that goes after other things that turns into campaign fodder. And we know we risk that as it is trying to do a legitimate bill. So we, we’re not interested in, in challenging things in the court. We’re not interested in making that kind of noise. What we’d like to do is establish the new laws and get it passed. We want a bill that can build consensus and make it to the House and Senate floor and be passed.

Representative Kander: And to add to that, you mentioned that’s been proposed  in the past, obviously, since there was a court case about it. What we really are focused on in this bill are new ideas. There are people, you know, Tony, you mentioned, uh, Representative Yates, Representative Zimmerman’s bill, Representative Zimmerman is, is more than capable of, of pushing that bill and I’m sure that he will. There’s no need for me to come in and, and retread that. That’s not necessary. There are really capable people with really capable, uh, really great ideas out there. We were not focused on sort of gathering any of those up and pushing them forward.

Question: Representative Flook, what have you heard from Republican leadership about [inaudible] ethics bill or ethics in general?

Representative Flook: Well, you know, I’ll tell you, I, I’m, I believe in my Republican caucus here in the State of Missouri. I think we’ve got a good caucus. And I think we’ve done a good job. And when I, when I approached, uh, uh, our Speaker and members of the caucus and said, you know, I want to work with Representative Kander on, on this bill, you know, they, they obviously had questions about what the bill contained and is this a real serious effort. Um, and, and the answer was yes. You know, so, my, my Republican members are interested in this legislation. There’ll be things they want to tweak or add, uh, just like I’m sure the Democratic caucus, caucus will want to tweak and add things. But, uh, the bottom line is, is that if we have, if we have something we want to improve upon they way to improve upon it is to get people to agree on what a good change is. You don’t start out an effort at teamwork by accusing your team member of being a bad person and telling them that you want them thrown out of office. That doesn’t accomplish anything, in fact, that just guarantees gridlock. Where, as Representative Kander and I realize that we know, we talk to each other all the time in the hallways and in our offices and in the lounge, we know there’s a lot we can agree on. And we know that when a bill I seen as a genuine effort to work together that, that House or Senate members will rally around that bill. And in this particular case this, this bill is gonna make people in my caucus happy, I believe, because it’s gonna answer some of the very things that we’ve talked about amongst ourselves and with the Democrats for years, things we’d like to change.

Question: So, so this legislation would ban a candidate [inaudible] say [inaudible] a candidate committee from receiving money from like a district committee or a political action committee or what, what, what would that part be?

Representative Kander: No, what we do, because going back to the court challenge issue there’s a certain element of the question, whether or not. So, what we do is we simply say that, that district or that individual political action committee, they can’t send money back and forth to one another. If you choose to, uh, you know, an organization, for instance, my wife is on the board of the Greater Kansas City Women’s Political Caucus, they have a political action committee. They obviously have a mutual interest, a reason that they would want to have a political action committee. If they are going to make a contribution to a candidate, obviously they’re making it in the, in the furtherance of their cause. Well, what the Greater Kansas City Women’s Political Caucus does not have is seventeen committees so they can move money back and forth twenty times so that a candidate can come to them and say, hey, I’d really like to take money from this person so that I can do this favor for them and never be caught, so would you just wash the money around until nobody’s really sure where it came from. What we do is we say, if a donor makes a contribution to a committee then that committee turns around and makes a contribution to a candidate then at least, at a minimum in the court of public opinion, when that candidate runs for reelection or runs for election for the first time somebody can make the argument you took money from a, from a committee that, that is funded by this. Instead of, who knows where that, where that committee [inaudible], you know these obscure names, Americans for America and Politicians Who Love Fuzzy Animals, I mean, these kind of joke political action committee names that go back and forth. What we’re trying to do is streamline that process. And furthermore, make it a felony, if you do use the process that exists after our law, to actually obscure the source of [crosstalk]…

Question: How do you approach that, though, if there’s no documentation that says that?

Representative Kander: Same way the Federal government [inaudible]…

Representative Flook: Same way, yeah. It’s the same fight every, every law enforcement officer has, in, in, in mul, different types of cases. Those cases can happen, you, you saw, uh, we saw cases recently in Missouri. You’ll see other types of areas. You know, I think it important to point out, you know, uh, both parties have people out there, um, with committees and those committees handle a lot of money from multiple directions. And to say, to say that it’s one party over another is just simply wrong, it’s simply. You know, you know, Re, Mr. Sinquefield was, was mentioned. Well he’s just one you all wrote about. As far as I’m concerned, I mean, he’s really not a, not a story. The real story is that it goes on all the time everywhere. And for us we just believe one, uh, very simple philosophical principle, and that is, say what you believe in, accept support from those that, that, uh, that support you, accept it openly. All right? You know, I , I support Rex Sinquefields efforts on education reform in the urban core. Absolutely. Check my voting record. I’m probably one of the most consistent ones with him.  [crosstalk] But, you know, I should [crosstalk], I should, like any other issue, if I’m gonna accept support from him and, and work on a [inaudible] he believes in, that’s not illegal. That’s not illegal. But, I should disclose it. It should be known. And if, if you have a lot of support from unions, fine, the public gets to know. If you have a lot of support from lawyers, that’s absolutely fine, but the public deserves to know who’s supporting you. And that keeps you accountable.

Question: But if I’ve got a lot of money, and I’m a reporter so it’s a bad question, but if I’ve got a lot of money [crosstalk]…

Representative Kander: We’ll suspend disbelief.

Question: …and I want to support [inaudible] do you want me to have to give your campaign committee the money directly or will it still be possible for me to give the money also to the Republican State Committee and the Kansas City Area Committee for Do Good Republicans with the, and that money eventually could wind up with you, but the rest of the people in this room may not be able to follow that [inaudible].

Representative Flook: Well I, I think what’ll happen is that this legislation, is that because the intentional hiding of money, you’re involved in intentionally hiding money. And, and an, that’s, I’ll preface it, our law kinda circles around that right now. You already can’t intentionally
launder. We’re just trying to close that circle and make sure that we can close that loophole. And one way to do it is to help eliminate the creation of these other committees. That really closes the circle on it. We’re already almost there. We’re just trying to close it. And, to answer your question, if, if someone wants to make a large donation to the Democrat House Committee, the Republican House Committee they’re still free to do that, all right, they’re still free to do that. And for First Amendment purposes it’d be very difficult to completely eliminate committees. I mean, it just for the, between the court cases and court challenges we couldn’t really do that. Um, and you know honestly, it’s okay to have base donations to the party committees, it’s all fully disclosed. You all can pick that up very quickly. But if we eliminate the number of side committees that are floating around, if we can reduce that number in any kind of significant measure we really start moving down the path further to, to directly, direct line disclosure of where your support comes from. And, honestly, we have to change the conversation to get there, that’s what this joint effort is, we have to begin the dialog and, and create a shift in, in, in the public eye of, of how campaign finance is looked at. And the way you do that is you don’t make it partisan. You don’t make it partisan. I am not here to try and grind a boot heel on some incidents involving Democrats any more than, and Jason Kander is not here to grind a boot heel in on anything or accusations [inaudible] Republicans. This is really about trying to make a cultural shift so that the public says, you know what, these guys are right, we’re gonna support ’em, say what you believe in,  tell us who supports you and be straight up about it.

Question: [inaudible] If I give money to the Kansas City Area Committee Supporting Do Good Republicans the donation should be seen as going to that committee and whatever candidates our causes it chooses to support, not an effort by me to give you more money directly.

Representative Kander: That’s right. And if there’s evidence to the contrary, if there’s evidence that the legislator in question said to you, you know you’re kind of controversial and I don’t want to take your money on record and then you do that and it goes to them, well, then state investigators are going to be interested in that and the prosecutor’s gonna be interested in prosecuting that as a class D felony…

The final portion of the press conference transcript will follow in a subsequent post.

Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City, part 2

15 Tuesday Dec 2009

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Ethics Reform, General Assembly, Jason Kander, missouri, press conference, Tim Flook, transcript

Representatives Jason Kander (D) and Tim Flook (r) held a press conference on their ethics reform bill late yesterday morning in the House Lounge at the capitol.

Our previous coverage: Kander (D) and Flook (r): ethics reform legislation in Jefferson City

Representatives Jason Kander (D)(left) and Tim Flook (r)(right).

The transcript of the opening statements:

Representative Tim Flook: …Good morning. Thank you all for being here. I’m Representative Tim Flook and I’m here with my, uh, friend and Democratic colleague Representative Jason Kander. We’re both of the western side of the city, uh, the state, uh, representing Kansas City, large parts, some other areas. Um, as you know, with virtually every year I’ve been in the Missouri legislature there’s always been a question about ethics and conduct in campaigns. Um, every year that I watched politics as a young man in college all the way until, uh, the time that I was elected I’ve seen the issue come up over and over again. Unfortunately it’s always brought up in the context of partisan efforts to make someone look bad. Um, and unfortunate part of that is, is that it, it creates a lot of distrust among the public for, for the efforts of their elected officials…

…And the fact of the matter is, I can tell you from my experience, um, in my time in the legislature and my time as a, as a citizen dealing with both Republican and Democrat elected officials, it’s been my personal experience that most of the people you deal with are very honest and work very hard to follow the rules. And they are ethical people. But there, there is that few, there is a few that will at times bend the rules. Or, there might be conduct that looks like the, that looks bad even though it doesn’t necessarily violate the rules. Um, and, and those things cast, cast doubt with the public on, on our efforts down here.

And, uh, in the last, in this last summer representative, uh, Jason Kander approached me and asked if I’d be interested in working with him on developing a bipartisan piece of legislation to address some of the, the issues and ethics that have arisen in the last two or three years. And I told him I’d be happy to do it, primarily because, like myself, Representative Kander believes that most people down here are very ethical. And that if we, if we work together we can isolate potential loopholes, we can prevent conduct before it happens, and we can instill some trust in what we’re trying to do down here in Jefferson City. And do so in a way that’s not about campaign, or poking somebody in the eye, or trying to create a, an illusion of an ethical violation when there hasn’t been one, but, but with real direct legislation that actually changes policy for the better.

So, Jason and I, I’ll say Representative Kander, I keep wanting to call him on a first name basis ’cause I consider him a friend, uh, Representative Kander and I began outlining some things, some things that we think that we can get both sides of the aisle to agree upon. And, and to, present those in a bipartisan form. I met with Speaker Ron Richard, um, about these efforts and he supports, he supports this effort. And I, and I, Representative Kander has, has talked to min, Minority Leader Paul LeVota and he’s supporting this effort.

There will be other bills proposed, uh, which will, will have different ideas in addition to those we’re laying out. We’re certainly interested in those ideas and would probably add them to the bill. If they’re good they’re good for everybody.

But I think the main purpose today is, is that we start the ball rolling with legislation that’s bipartisan and, and we let the Missouri public know that the best policy comes from people working together. And the best policies that, creating the best laws result in fairness and aren’t about campaign politics.

So, with that being said I’m gonna let Representative Kander outline specifics of our proposed legislation…

…Representative Jason Kander: Well it’s a pleasure to work with representative Flook. He’s one of the most respected members of this body on either side of the aisle, um, and for good reason. He works hard and he’s very serious about the job. Um, just a few minutes ago most of you were in this room for another press conference with Representative Flook. He’s in high demand bcause he does a good job down here, so it’s an honor having him involved in this issue.

And it’s fitting that this be a bipartisan press conference because we’re trying to create a solution, a bipartisan solution to what is, as representative Flook mentioned, a bipartisan problem. It’s a problem in, in the Missouri system, in our, in Missouri’s laws. This is not an attempt to point fingers at anyone in particular. I’m gonna run through for you some of the major, uh, provisions of the bill and then we’d be happy to take your questions. What we’re doing here is we’re, we’re saying that the, the Jeff City sport of choice, which is speculation about whether the FBI is gonna take action, that needs to not be the sport of choice anymore. We need to do, we need, we need to pass laws that empower state investigators to take action, empower state law enforcement.

First major provision, uh, speaks to the, the practice of money laundering, or the potential for money laundering. Missouri’s anything goes system of campaign finances seems to be built, uh, to encourage, not to deter, the laundering of political contributions. And so that’s why it’s, it’s entirely possible and sometimes common practice for Missouri politicians to wash money back and forth between political action committees and in some cases, possibly, to obscure the original source of, of a, the person giving that money in the first place. This bill will prohibit, uh, party and independent political action committees from washing money back and forth and, furthermore, will make it a felony to transfer political money solely for the purpose of hiding the original donor.

On the subject of disclosure, in order to make it even more difficult to obscure the source, uh, of funds and funnel money through political action committees this bill requires all PACs to file electronically [inaudible] the Ethics Commission, which will make all contributions in the state searchable online for the first time. Now, while the electronic filing change will make it easier to prove potential corruption in the court of public opinion, it doesn’t make it easier to prove corruption in, in the court of law. And so the next provision addresses that.

Uh, this bill will change the law by specifically listing camp, a campaign contribution in, in certain circumstances as a, a potential pay for play situations, potential bribe, which even goes beyond, uh, what’s done in Federal law. It makes it very clear that, given a direct exchange for legislative action or official action, that can, uh, be a, that would be a felony.

Furthermore, on the subject of political money laundering, we say out loud with this bill what is obviously true. That is that there are some people in this state who can act as treasurers in dozens of political action committees at once possibly for the purpose of washing political money. These aren’t treasurers in such cases, they’re bag men. If they do it for that reason that’s what they are. And our bill would prohibit anyone from acting as a treasurer or a deputy treasurer of multiple political action committees at a time.

Also this year we choose to address the issue of conflicts of interest that can be presented in Jefferson City. Now on both sides of the aisle potential conflicts of interest ex
ist and they can occur when those serving in a political campaign role also serve in the office, uh, in the official office of a, of a elected official in the state. Most of the folks who do this, unfortunately, are not currently required to disclose their [inaudible], so as a result there’s potential conflicts of interest but, but the public doesn’t know about it because it may not be the elected member, it could be their staff. And so we simply say that if you want to work for an elected official and be a political consultant at the same time it’s not too much for ask, for us to ask that you publicly disclose your dual roles. This bill makes that change.

Now, outside the walls of this building a bipartisan array of political consultants who  do not hold government positions are free to contract simultaneously both with elected officials and corporations and other organizations that seek to influence the actions of state government. Yet these consultants are not required to register as lobbyists. With this bill we close this sort of stealth lobbyist loophole in state law and we created the category of a de facto lobbyist. And we shed light on these individual’s attempts to influence the course of legislation.

Now, the next part I think is pretty important and it goes into all of these, all of these provisions. If we are to pass new ethics laws this year, or if we just seek to make existing ethics laws mean something more, then we need a state felony provision that applies to anyone who tries to obstruct an ethics investigation. Without an obstruction of justice law we reward politicians who lie to state investigators. This bill includes an obstruction of justice felony modeled upon the Federal statute.

Finally, this bill is truly comprehensive and that it applies these and many existing laws, ethics laws, not just to state government, but to our counties, or cities, our school boards, and various other municipalities.

The proposals put forth by Representative Flook and myself today are among many needed changes and I’m thankful that several of our colleagues have both this year and in the past suggested other ways to stay one step ahead, one step ahead of the small bipartisan minority of individuals who may seek to violate public trust. What we don’t do is stand here today and tell you that these changes are gonna fix the problem permanently. Over time power and influence finds a way to circumvent the law. So it’s our hope, we’ve discussed this, that several years from now two more legislators will reach across the aisle and seek to close any loopholes that may have developed in the legislation passed in twenty-ten, because this is an ever evolving process.

Finally, the reason for that is because fighting public corruption is like fighting the flue, we come up with a vaccine and the flue comes back the next year with a new strain. So, as the flu adapts vac, adapts, a vaccine must evolve with it. Honest governments like healthy societies are the result of eternal vigilance. And so that’s what we’re prepared to do, that’s why we’re trying to do it in a bipartisan manner. And we’d be happy to take your questions…

Transcript(s) of the media Q and A will follow in subsequent posts.

…ergo propter wingnut

28 Wednesday Oct 2009

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 5 Comments

Tags

2008, Birthers, Kansas City, Michelle Obama, missouri, transcript, wingnuts

We’ve been getting quite a bit of traffic from right wingnuttia over a reference at one of their sites (no, we’re not going to give them the linky goodness and ensuing traffic).

During the campaign, on July 10, 2008, Michelle Obama came to Kansas City for a town hall on the campus of the University of Missouri – Kansas City. We covered the event:

Michelle Obama in Kansas City – photos

(by the way, one of our photos from the event made its way to the Obama campaign web site)

Michelle Obama in Kansas City – remarks

Right wingnuttia is quite obsessed by this portion of the transcript, claiming that it’s proof that President Obama is illegitimate and this is further proof to be added to the convoluted birther pantheon of conspiracies:

…He understands them because he was raised by strong women. He is the product of two great women in his life. His mother and his grandmother. [applause] Barack saw his mother, who was very young and very single when she had him, and he saw her work hard to complete her education and try to raise he and his sister…

I kid you not. These are the kinds of people who memorize and obsess over every detail of The Brady Bunch as if the complete episodes were Shakespeare’s plays. They just haven’t figured out that there is a difference.

The Faux News Channel will pick this up in, three, two, one… And that’s the problem with political discourse in this country.

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