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Monthly Archives: April 2011

An evaluation plan for legislators

19 Tuesday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Rep. Scott Dieckhaus

It’s hard to know where to begin listing all the things wrong with what passes for “teacher evaluations” these days. In an April 4th article in the Post Dispatch, Rep. Scott Dieckhaus of Washington is quoted as saying he’s looking for objective standards, “something that’s measurable” to make teachers accountable for their students’ success.  From what I’ve heard from friends who taught with Dieckhaus, he’s not the best person to be making decisions about quality teaching methods.  But, if that’s what the legislators want, let’s apply the same standards to them. How about this for a plan:

Since the Missouri legislature is so keen on merit pay and accountability indicators for teachers, how about we set up the same kind of system for them?  We could establish goals, objectives and testing mechanisms just like the politicians demand of schools.  When they don’t meet their goals, we can call them “failed political bodies” and shut them down.

The state motto of Missouri is Solus populi suprema lex esto.     “The Welfare of the People Shall be the Supreme Law ”  gives us a good starting point for goal making.  We can track the standard of living and quality of life  markers for all Missourians, regardless of their individual performance ability and home environment.  

Then we can compare Missouri’s achievements with the other states to determine where the legislature needs an improvement plan.  It certainly won’t be difficult for Missouri to make improvements because a study released by the University of Missouri St. Louis Public Policy Research Center recently puts  Missouri in the below average range on all 58 indicators of economic success.   If this were a basketball tournament, Missouri wouldn’t have a chance of making the playoffs.  Not to put too fine a point on it,  Missouri is in the losers bracket.

• We all know the state has lost population.  That’s why we’re losing a seat in the U.S. Congress.  

• During the last several decades, the state’s gross domestic product, i.e., the state’s economic output, has fallen from 18th to 36th  place.  

• Median family income has fallen dramatically from 17th to 37th place.  

• In terms of revenue collected and spent,  Missouri ranks down in the mid 40’s.    Only five states spend less than we do on higher education.  It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to understand why we’re not producing many rocket scientists.  Why would  families and businesses want to move to a state that disrespects education as much as we do?

Professor Emeritus Don Phares,  author of the UMSL report, concludes that Missouri is in a downward spiral as we lower our expectations in terms of revenue collected and investment on human resources.   The trend may be irreversible at this point because low revenues and low spending produce a climate that repels job creating economic ventures.

Another useful tool in our evaluation plan for state legislators is the annual  United Health Fund report which tracks health and quality of life issues.  Compared to other states, Missouri  dropped another notch in 2009 down to 39th out of the 50 states.  Given our low test scores on things like premature death, cardiovascular disease, smoking rates, obesity, and air quality, it shouldn’t be hard for our state leaders to bring our scores up in coming years.

Of course, with the lowest cigarette tax in the country, we’re not really trying very hard to get people to quit.  Our air quality is also causing a lot of our asthma and chronic lung disease problems.  Even as this is being written, our state legislators are figuring out ways to ignore EPA regulations that protect our health even though there are only 12 states with dirtier air than Missouri’s.  

One of the most distressing findings in the United Health Fund report  is the percentage of children living in poverty. In just one year, the percentage increased from 18.7% to 23.8%.   This should be shocking to all of us, especially since these children represent our future.

The good news is that we have improved in terms of the number of students graduating from high school,  we’ve reduced the incidence of infectious diseases and we’ve  increased  access to early prenatal care.    If we can make improvements in those areas, maybe we can tackle some of the other challenges we face.

When the current legislative session ends in early May, let’s review the bills passed that improve the quality of life for Missourians.  Using those indicators for success as our goal, we can evaluate our state representatives and senators and give them a grade.  If they do not perform up to the standards we set for them, we may have to put them on probation and require them to submit to us their plan for improvement.  Then we can decide whether to keep them on or fire them.

Dieckhaus and "objective standards"

19 Tuesday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

It’s hard to know where to begin listing all the things wrong with what passes for “teacher evaluations” these days. In an April 4th article in the Post Dispatch, Rep. Scott Dieckhaus of Washington is quoted as saying he’s looking for objective standards, “something that’s measurable” to make teachers accountable for their students’ success.  From what I’ve heard from friends who taught with Dieckhaus, he’s not the best person to be making decisions about quality teaching methods.  But, if that’s what the legislators want, let’s apply the same standards to them. How about this for a plan:

Since the Missouri legislature is so keen on merit pay and accountability indicators for teachers, how about we set up the same kind of system for them?  We could establish goals, objectives and testing mechanisms just like the politicians demand of schools.  When they don’t meet their goals, we can call them “failed political bodies” and shut them down.

The state motto of Missouri is Solus populi suprema lex esto.     “The Welfare of the People Shall be the Supreme Law ”  gives us a good starting point for goal making.  We can track the standard of living and quality of life  markers for all Missourians, regardless of their individual performance ability and home environment.  

Then we can compare Missouri’s achievements with the other states to determine where the legislature needs an improvement plan.  It certainly won’t be difficult for Missouri to make improvements because a study released by the University of Missouri St. Louis Public Policy Research Center recently puts  Missouri in the below average range on all 58 indicators of economic success.   If this were a basketball tournament, Missouri wouldn’t have a chance of making the playoffs.  Not to put too fine a point on it,  Missouri is in the losers bracket.

• We all know the state has lost population.  That’s why we’re losing a seat in the U.S. Congress.  

• During the last several decades, the state’s gross domestic product, i.e., the state’s economic output, has fallen from 18th to 36th  place.  

• Median family income has fallen dramatically from 17th to 37th place.  

• In terms of revenue collected and spent,  Missouri ranks down in the mid 40’s.    Only five states spend less than we do on higher education.  It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to understand why we’re not producing many rocket scientists.  Why would  families and businesses want to move to a state that disrespects education as much as we do?

Professor Emeritus Don Phares,  author of the UMSL report, concludes that Missouri is in a downward spiral as we lower our expectations in terms of revenue collected and investment on human resources.   The trend may be irreversible at this point because low revenues and low spending produce a climate that repels job creating economic ventures.

Another useful tool in our evaluation plan for state legislators is the annual  United Health Fund report which tracks health and quality of life issues.  Compared to other states, Missouri  dropped another notch in 2009 down to 39th out of the 50 states.  Given our low test scores on things like premature death, cardiovascular disease, smoking rates, obesity, and air quality, it shouldn’t be hard for our state leaders to bring our scores up in coming years.

Of course, with the lowest cigarette tax in the country, we’re not really trying very hard to get people to quit.  Our air quality is also causing a lot of our asthma and chronic lung disease problems.  Even as this is being written, our state legislators are figuring out ways to ignore EPA regulations that protect our health even though there are only 12 states with dirtier air than Missouri’s.  

One of the most distressing findings in the United Health Fund report  is the percentage of children living in poverty. In just one year, the percentage increased from 18.7% to 23.8%.   This should be shocking to all of us, especially since these children represent our future.

The good news is that we have improved in terms of the number of students graduating from high school,  we’ve reduced the incidence of infectious diseases and we’ve  increased  access to early prenatal care.    If we can make improvements in those areas, maybe we can tackle some of the other challenges we face.

When the current legislative session ends in early May, let’s review the bills passed that improve the quality of life for Missourians.  Using those indicators for success as our goal, we can evaluate our state representatives and senators and give them a grade.  If they do not perform up to the standards we set for them, we may have to put them on probation and require them to submit to us their plan for improvement.  Then we can decide whether to keep them on or fire them.

Dieckhaus and "objective standards"

19 Tuesday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

It’s hard to know where to begin listing all the things wrong with what passes for “teacher evaluations” these days. In an April 4th article in the Post Dispatch, Rep. Scott Dieckhaus of Washington is quoted as saying he’s looking for objective standards, “something that’s measurable” to make teachers accountable for their students’ success.  From what I’ve heard from friends who taught with Dieckhaus, he’s not the best person to be making decisions about quality teaching methods.  But, if that’s what the legislators want, let’s apply the same standards to them. How about this for a plan:

Since the Missouri legislature is so keen on merit pay and accountability indicators for teachers, how about we set up the same kind of system for them?  We could establish goals, objectives and testing mechanisms just like the politicians demand of schools.  When they don’t meet their goals, we can call them “failed political bodies” and shut them down.

The state motto of Missouri is Solus populi suprema lex esto.     “The Welfare of the People Shall be the Supreme Law ”  gives us a good starting point for goal making.  We can track the standard of living and quality of life  markers for all Missourians, regardless of their individual performance ability and home environment.  

Then we can compare Missouri’s achievements with the other states to determine where the legislature needs an improvement plan.  It certainly won’t be difficult for Missouri to make improvements because a study released by the University of Missouri St. Louis Public Policy Research Center recently puts  Missouri in the below average range on all 58 indicators of economic success.   If this were a basketball tournament, Missouri wouldn’t have a chance of making the playoffs.  Not to put too fine a point on it,  Missouri is in the losers bracket.

• We all know the state has lost population.  That’s why we’re losing a seat in the U.S. Congress.  

• During the last several decades, the state’s gross domestic product, i.e., the state’s economic output, has fallen from 18th to 36th  place.  

• Median family income has fallen dramatically from 17th to 37th place.  

• In terms of revenue collected and spent,  Missouri ranks down in the mid 40’s.    Only five states spend less than we do on higher education.  It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to understand why we’re not producing many rocket scientists.  Why would  families and businesses want to move to a state that disrespects education as much as we do?

Professor Emeritus Don Phares,  author of the UMSL report, concludes that Missouri is in a downward spiral as we lower our expectations in terms of revenue collected and investment on human resources.   The trend may be irreversible at this point because low revenues and low spending produce a climate that repels job creating economic ventures.

Another useful tool in our evaluation plan for state legislators is the annual  United Health Fund report which tracks health and quality of life issues.  Compared to other states, Missouri  dropped another notch in 2009 down to 39th out of the 50 states.  Given our low test scores on things like premature death, cardiovascular disease, smoking rates, obesity, and air quality, it shouldn’t be hard for our state leaders to bring our scores up in coming years.

Of course, with the lowest cigarette tax in the country, we’re not really trying very hard to get people to quit.  Our air quality is also causing a lot of our asthma and chronic lung disease problems.  Even as this is being written, our state legislators are figuring out ways to ignore EPA regulations that protect our health even though there are only 12 states with dirtier air than Missouri’s.  

One of the most distressing findings in the United Health Fund report  is the percentage of children living in poverty. In just one year, the percentage increased from 18.7% to 23.8%.   This should be shocking to all of us, especially since these children represent our future.

The good news is that we have improved in terms of the number of students graduating from high school,  we’ve reduced the incidence of infectious diseases and we’ve  increased  access to early prenatal care.    If we can make improvements in those areas, maybe we can tackle some of the other challenges we face.

When the current legislative session ends in early May, let’s review the bills passed that improve the quality of life for Missourians.  Using those indicators for success as our goal, we can evaluate our state representatives and senators and give them a grade.  If they do not perform up to the standards we set for them, we may have to put them on probation and require them to submit to us their plan for improvement.  Then we can decide whether to keep them on or fire them.

Campaign Finance: Missourians for Koster (D) April quarterly report

19 Tuesday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Tags

2012, Attorney General, campaign finance, Chris Koster, missouri, Missouri Ethics Commission

Attorney General Chris Koster (D) filed his April quarterly campaign finance report with the Missouri Ethics Commission on April 15th:

REPORT SUMMARY

MISSOURIANS FOR KOSTER [pdf] 4/15/2011

2. All Monetary Contributions Received This Period $720,456.00

10. Expenditures made by cash or check this period $88,281.74

27. Money On Hand at the close of this reporting period $709,220.08

[emphasis added]

That’s a really good fundraising quarter and a healthy cash on hand.

We’ve been watching the 48 hour reports, but let’s take a look at some of the contribution details:

CONTRIBUTIONS RECEIVED – SUPPLEMENTAL

MISSOURIANS FOR KOSTER [pdf] 4/15/2011

Justus for Missouri

PO Box 411464

Kansas City MO 64141-1464

3/22/2011

$500.00

Market Genomics, L.L.C.

9800 Mt. Pyramid Court

Englewood CO 80112

3/31/2011

$2,000.00

Jay Nixon for Missouri

PO Box 143

Jefferson City MO 65102

2/16/2011

$2,920.24 [in-kind]

James Stowers

400 W 49th Ter

Kansas City MO 64112-2407

American Century Investments — Founder

3/13/2011

$75,000.00

Progressive politician.

Folks interested in stem cell research.

Not so progressive politician.

Car dealers and other business interests.

A significant amount from organized labor and attorneys. They tend to want an Attorney General’s office that runs smoothly.

Some of the expenditures:

EXPENDITURES AND CONTRIBUTIONS MADE

MISSOURIANS FOR KOSTER [pdf] 4/15/2011

C. Contributions Made (Regardless of Amount)

Elect Natalie Tennant Committee

PO Box 1063

Charleston WV 25324

2/26/2011

$1,000.00

Citizens for Jake Zimmerman

201 N. Meramec

Saint Louis MO 63105

3/15/2011

$1,000.00

ITEMIZED EXPENDITURES OVER $100 SUPPLEMENTAL FORM

Mc Donald’s

1425 Missouri Blvd

Jefferson City MO 65109-1727

2/12/2011

Meal Expense

$10.97

Chase Park Hotel

212 N Kingshighway

Saint Louis MO 63108

2/27/2011

Travel Expense

$384.65

Chase Park Hotel

212 N Kingshighway

Saint Louis MO 63108

1/23/2011

Travel Expense

$226.00

Chase Park Hotel

212 N Kingshighway

Saint Louis MO 63108

12/10/2010

Travel Expense

$145.69

Starbucks

2401 Utah Ave S

Seattle WA 98134

2/5/2011

Meal Expense

$3.73

Starbucks

2401 Utah Ave S

Seattle WA 98134

3/27/2011

Meal Expense

$1.62

Starbucks

2401 Utah Ave S

Seattle WA 98134

12/7/2010

Meal Expense

$2.73

Katz Watson Group, Inc.

236 Massachusetts Avenue, NE

Suite 602

Washington DC 20002

2/11/2011

Consulting Fees

$6,500.00

Katz Watson Group, Inc.

236 Massachusetts Avenue, NE

Suite 602

Washington DC 20002

3/1/2011

Consulting Fees

$4,050.29

Butler’s Pantry

1414 Park Ave

Saint Louis MO 63104-3032

3/24/2011

Catering/Fundraising

Expense

$6,923.40

Almar Printing

7735 Wornall Rd

Kansas City MO 64114-1857

12/10/2010

Printing

$4,630.51

Katz Watson Group, Inc.

236 Massachusetts Avenue, NE

Suite 602

Washington DC 20002

3/29/2011

Consulting Fees

$978.04

Katz Watson Group, Inc.

236 Massachusetts Avenue, NE

Suite 602

Washington DC 20002

3/29/2011

Consulting Fees

$6,500.00

Ambassador Valet Parking Company

One US Bank Plaza, Suite 2405

505 N. 7th Street

Saint Louis MO 63101

3/28/2011

Valet Services/Fundraising Expense

$429.00

Hilltop Public Solutions

1000 Potomac Street NW

Suite 500

Washington DC 20007

2/8/2011

Consulting Fee

$2,500.00

Katz Watson Group, Inc.

236 Massachusetts Avenue, NE

Suite 602

Washington DC 20002

1/19/2011

Consulting Fees

$6,500.00

Fresco By Scotto

34 East 52nd Street

New York NY 10022-5914

3/9/2011

Meeting Expense

$255.57

Royalton Hotel

44 W 44th St

New York NY 10036-6604

3/12/2011

Travel Expense

$991.66

[emphasis added]

I hope they got the healthier salad and not a happy meal.

I wonder if they ran into the Lieutenant Governor on the elevator. That could make for an awkward silence.

Coffee?

Fundraising.

Still, at $88,281.74 that’s a significantly lower burn rate than the Lieutenant Governor.

Todd Akin tries to defend his vote to abolish Medicare

18 Monday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

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Tags

Budget cuts, Medicare, missouri, tea party, Todd Akin

PoliticMo reports on Rep. Todd Akin’s (R-2) defensive remarks at Saturday’s Tea Party rally in Joplin about his support for the Republican plan to dismantle Medicare. Akin’s misdirected melodrama and grandiose rhetoric seems to have offered, as usual, fine examples of the comic theater we have come to expect from him:

This thing is really two visions of what America should be. Do we really want to become a sniveling entitlement state, or do we want freedom? That’s the choice that’s before the voters.

Whooee! Who doesn’t want freedom – especially when the alternative is sniveling. Of course, since freedom in this case just means that I’m free to live out my old age without adequate medical care, maybe I’ll be willing to put in an little time sniveling. Especially when I consider the rest of Akin’s whining about the Democratic response to the GOP’s war on Medicare:

“[I]t’s a tactical decision on their part [i.e. Democrats], to ignore the economic problems that we have and then as soon as Republicans try to solve the problem, then they beat us up saying, ‘Oh, you’re going to take old people’s social security,’ ‘Oh, you’re going to take their medicare away,'” Akin said. “What we specifically said in the Ryan budget was that anybody that is 55 or older, we’re not changing it. We’re trying to leave that the way it is, but then as you go down, we have to deal with the runaway entitlements.

“We’re trying to bottom-line them to make them more free enterprise so that it will control the cost growth on them,” he said.

Talk about Chutzpah! Republicans are trying to solve our economic problems? By proposing spending cuts that threaten massive numbers of jobs during a fragile, jobs-challenged economic recovery? By lowering taxes for the obscenely wealthy and paying for these tax cuts by cutting programs that benefit the elderly middle and working class? Explain to me, please, how any of this will help the economy – without making me laugh.

And while you’re explaining that, tell me why GOPers like Akin assume that all they have to do to make the case for a proposed policy is point out that it won’t affect anyone right away (i.e., in the case of Medicare, anyone over 55). If it’s a good thing to do, shouldn’t it be a good thing now? Conversely, if we are asking folks in the future to endure something bad, shouldn’t those older than 55 right now have to make the same sacrifice? If it’s not good enough for me, why would it be good enough for my children and grandchildren? Don’t try telling me that by phasing it in, we will change expectations and, consequently behavior – particularly, if you plan on cutting benefits without actually doing anything to address the underlying issue of spiraling health care costs.

Of course, Akin isn’t too clear on the problems with that free-enterprise thing when it comes to issues of the public good – like health care for the aged, who, if left to free-market mercies, would likely, as a high-risk population, be priced out of the market. Nor has he been paying attention to the drivers of rising health care costs over the past couple of decades – can anyone say private insurance –  you know, that free enterprise thing – run amok?

As DKos‘ David Nir observes, “when you have to start explaining yourself in full-length paragraphs (as Akin tries to do), you’re on the defensive and flailing.” Nevertheless, it’s fun to see the awkward maneuvers Akin and his GOP cohorts try to execute when called upon explain why they voted to destroy Medicare – especially after campaigning on a promise to fight off some imaginary Democratic assault on the program.                

The problem with Claire McCaskill – penny wise, pound foolish and proud of it

18 Monday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 7 Comments

Senator Claire McCaskill likes to trade on her experience as a former state auditor and the aura of fiscal expertise it bestows. She often speaks as one initiated into the arcane financial arts, especially when she puts forward her idée fixe that the deficit must be addressed and right now, thank you.  Which is why it’s enlightening, if depressing for Missouri Democrats, to see how her prescriptions for the economy stand up to the analysis of those who regularly deal with economic policy.

To do so, one doesn’t have to look far afield. James Homey of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is struck by the irony inherent in the McCasill-Corker spending cap, the proposal that our beloved Senator has been shopping around as a solution to the deficit:

It is striking that when she unveiled the proposal, Senator McCaskill criticized as “ridiculous” the recent House Republican Study Committee plan to cut nondefense discretionary funding over ten years by about $2.5 trillion. … But by the same standard,it is hard to conclude that the McCaskill-Corker proposal, which would mandate about $4.5 trillion in spending reductions over ten years in all programs – discretionary programs plus entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare – is any more responsible.

In a recent post, Ezra Klein, calling it the “second worst idea in Washington,” eviscerates the spending cap proposal – the adoption of which, as Klein notes, is being bandied about as the possible cost of a deal with the GOP to raise the debt ceiling. Klein immediately dings McCaskill for trying to out-Republican the Republicans:

The virtue of a spending cap is that by focusing on only one contributor to debt, it admits only one solution to it: spending cuts. Savage ones. The Corker-McCaskill proposal is so aggressive that there are years when even Paul Ryan’s budget, with all its fantastical assumptions and hard caps, wouldn’t qualify. “You put McCaskill-Corker into law,” says Bob Greenstein, president of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, “and progressive policy is dead for the next quarter-century.”

Klein adds that “it’s easy to understand why Republicans would embrace legislation making their favored solutions the only possible solutions. What’s less clear is why McCaskill … would do the same.” Some of us have been trying to make just that point to McCaskill, but, of course all we get back is the same refrain that Rep. Billy Long came up with yesterday at a Tea Party rally – “We have to do something” about the deficit. Such a response coming from McCaskill deserves just as much contempt as it elicits when coming from Long – contempt which Klein doesn’t hesitate to bestow:

Saying “America has a spending problem” is saying “I don’t understand the budget and don’t want to learn anything further about it.” We have a health-care costs problem, an aging problem and a taxing problem. But a spending cap has nothing to say about any of these problems. … A spending cap is an effort to deny our real problems, not to fix them. It allows politicians to sound tough and solutions-oriented without forcing them to actually develop any solutions.

 

Klein speculates that McCaskill, with an eye to the 2012 elections and her purple-to-red electorate, is doing just that. And I’m not sure he’s wrong.  After writing to ask Senator McCaskill to stand up to the GOP thugs who tried to take the 2011 budget hostage, I received a response that contained this statement:

As you know, the elections in 2010 led to a significant change in the makeup of Congress, in large part as a result of Americans’ frustration with a lack of fiscal responsibility from their elected leaders.

And this interpretation of the 2010 election is probably true insofar as it references the only voting bloc to turn out big-time: the Tea Party and their fellow fringe GOPers. Of course, even in this context, it fails to take into account the general state of economic confusion that typifies the rank-and-file members of this group – who, after all, believed the claim of openly anti-Medicare Roy Blunt that, if elected, he would save Medicare from the depredations of Democrats.

Nor does it address the reason that lots of  Democrats were just too uninterested in the fate of the country to make it out on that particular Tuesday in November. I would like to suggest that that phenomena might be the result of too many Democratic politicians, like McCaskill, who can’t  wait to appropriate GOP rhetoric – after filing down a few rough edges of course.

McCaskill is voluble on the topic of the killing effect of the deficit on our future – but so far, I haven’t heard her react to the charge that a premature overemphasis on the deficit is a job killer right now when jobs should be our biggest priority. If you are interested in what spending cuts do to struggling economies, you need look no further than the decrease in GDP that has resulted from Great Britain’s embrace of austerity measures of the sort that McCaskill wants to force down our throats via an ill-considered, automatic spending cap.

The evidence is all there – we need to address jobs before deficits – and to be very careful not to let ginned up panic about the deficit lead those in government to endorse clumsy measures like McCaskill-Corker that will just make life a lot worse for a long time. Does anybody have any ideas about how to get our former state auditor and would-be deep financial thinker, Senator Claire McCaskill, to listen and learn?

White House blogger conference call on President Obama's economic speech: Q and A

18 Monday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

bloggers, Brian Deese, conference call, Dan Pfeiffer, David Plouffe, Obama, White House

Previously: White House blogger conference call on President Obama’s economic speech (April 13, 2011)

“….This is about what kind of country we’re gonna live in, what kind of country we believe we can, uh, we can make here. And, uh, the notion that somehow we can, uh, you know, cut education by a third, the notion that we can ask seniors to pay six thousand more dollars in Medicare costs, I don’t know many seniors that can even begin to think they could afford a fraction of that, the notion that we’re gonna cut energy research, at a time of high gas prices, by seventy percent, you know, that’s not, uh, the America I think most people believe, uh, we need to build….”

Last Wednesday we participated in a White House blogger conference call after the President’s speech on the economy which included David Plouffe, Dan Pfeiffer and Brian Deese from the National Economic Council and a whole bunch of A-list bloggers. And Z-list us. The transcript of the question and answer session follows:

[….]

Question: …Um, in his speech today President Obama said that he would refuse to, to extend the tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires again. I was wondering if this would be the case even if no deal could be struck with Republicans to do so and thus the only path of, of keeping them from being extended would be to have all of Bush tax cuts expire, including for those making under two hundred fifty thousand dollars.

David Plouffe:  Well, there’s, I, I think that, uh, the President’s view on this is clear that the, you know, middle class, obviously, particularly given that we have a healing economy but we have a long way to go, middle class people are obviously feeling the effect of, of gas prices and food prices right now. Obviously, the tax bill that was struck carries forward to the end of, uh, two thousand and, and twelve. Um, you know, the President’s been, been very clear, uh, on this, and restated it today. He’s not gonna renew, uh, those tax cuts. And, uh, you know, particularly if the economy hopefully continues to strengthen, um, uh, you know, he believes that the wealthiest in this country, uh, you know, are gonna have the ability, uh, to contribute both to deficit reduction and obviously, uh, to go to tax rates where they’ve been very successful in the past. So, uh, you know, under what scenario that comes up we obviously don’t know now. Uh, but, but as he said back in December of last year, uh, and restated today, he, he’s not gonna renew that. And, and I think in the future, uh, there’ll obviously be a debate about the middle class tax cut. There’s some people who don’t think that those should continue. Uh, I think the President, uh, believes that, uh, uh, he’s, you know, cut a lot of taxes for the middle class over the last two years. He thinks it’s one of the reasons, uh, that the economy is, uh, is growing, the tax bill that was struck in December. Uh, and, but, but, you know, the notion that somehow the only way to do middle class tax relief, uh, is to have the wealthiest in this country, uh, once again, uh, come along for the ride, uh, you know, the President doesn’t support that. So, uh, you know, that’ll be a debate. Obviously, uh, you know, again, it’s the law through next year, uh, so, uh, you know, I assume this’ll be part of, uh, whatever political discourse happens next year. Um, you saw some of the reaction to the President’s speech today. Uh, and, you know, that’s a debate the President’s comfort, comfortable having. Uh, more than comfortable having.  And, you know, we, we’ve had it, uh, you know, in two thousand and eight, certainly. But, not in a campaign context as we, as we go into the, the next few weeks here. You know, I, I  think we’re gonna have a debate here in the country and here in Washington about the best way to go about deficit reduction. Uh, and the President believes that, uh, uh, an answer that asks so much of the middle class and so much of seniors and so much of the poor, and not only just doesn’t ask something of the very wealthy, but lavishes them huge tax breaks. Again, think about that. The average, as the President said in his speech today, uh, he’s been very fortunate in his life, uh, at least lately, so he would get a two hundred thousand dollar tax cut that would get paid, essentially, by thirty-three seniors in America paying six thousand more dollars, uh, for their health care costs. And he said today, uh, you know, not on his watch. It’s not gonna happen as he’s President. Uh, so, uh, you know, I think the President’s gonna be clear that, uh, as we look at these tax issues down the line, um, uh, you know, uh, what happened in December, uh, is he said in December, uh, is not something he’s in favor of going forward…

…Question: Okay, so, just to be clear, the answer is yes, he’s not gonna renew them again under any circumstances.

David Plouffe:  Well, I would say again, what, what he said today is he’s not gonna renew them. Uh, and he does not believe, first of all, that that makes fiscal sense. Uh, and we can’t hold, you know, sort of middle class tax, uh, cuts down the, again, I know, you know, there’s a long time between now and that, so exactly what form and when, but the notion, uh, that the only way we’re gonna get middle class tax [inaudible], particularly if the economy is, is healing now, uh, uh, is to connect them to the wealthy, uh, the wealthy tax cut, the Bush tax cuts, he’s not gonna be in favor of that.

Question: …Simpson Bowles mentioned a robust public option as one of the proposals that they would put out there for cutting health care costs. Is that something the White House would consider being on the table?

[crosstalk]

Brian Deese: …The framework that the President put out today included a set of proposals, uh, and [inaudible] will be sensible and important and build on the framework that was put in place, uh, with true health reform. And it would both, uh, increase some of the cost saving measures that actually bring down the rate of heath care costs, uh, growth through that, uh, uh, through that legislation and also incorporate new reforms, including on Medicaid by strengthening the federal state partnership, increasing the efficiencies for states, and asking more accountability of states as well. Uh, I think our view is that those steps taken together would really [inaudible] the deficit reduction potential of the Affordable Care Act and have the potential to actually double, uh, the, uh, deficit reduction savings, add another trillion, uh, in deficit reduction, uh, in, uh, the second decade of the [inaudible] reforms. So we think that the, the framework that we put down today would really, uh, be good for the health care system overall and helping further bend, uh, bend the cost curve. Uh, but, also for, uh, for, uh, reducing the deficit as well. So, that’s, uh, that’s the, that’s the approach that we’re putting forward, uh [crosstalk]…

Question: [inaudible] the approach put forward. I asked you a question about the public option. I mean, you simply restated what your proposal was. So are you saying the White House would not be amenable to considering the public option?

Brian Deese: Uh, I think, I think, I think that we’re gonna go into a negotiation here and the president was putting forth what he thinks is a sensible balanced approach. Um, obviously, when you go into a negotiation, um, nobody’s going to, uh, you know, set preconditions on what others can put onto the table, but the President’s putting on the table what he thinks makes sense in moving forward on our, on health care reform.

Question: Okay. All right, thanks.

[….]

Question: …I had a question about the baseline, um, that you’re using for part of the tax, um, plan on a call earlier. I, I, basically it’s just reconfirming something that, uh, was s
aid on the call that you guys did earlier today for media. Um, there is, one part of the plan says that, uh, I think a quarter, uh, no more than a quarter of deficit reduction, um, will come from tax reform, from increased revenues from tax reform. And what I wanted to verify is that what, what was said on the previous call is that the baseline assumption is the expiration of the upper income tax, uh, cuts. So therefore, that twenty-five percent, the additional savings, tax reform, or the additional revenue generated by tax reform would be above and beyond the, um, expiration of the tax, uh, of the tax cuts for the wealthy. So, I just wanted to verify that that understanding is in fact what you all are proposing.

Brian Deese: Yes. Yes, that’s right. Uh, you know [inaudible] we had with our budget, uh, assumed the expiration of the Bush high income tax cuts. So, the four trillion dollar framework and the, uh, the one in four, uh, uh, dollar steps to reduction [inaudible] tax reform is, uh, in addition to the revenue impact of allowing the Bush tax cuts to expire.

Question: Do you have, uh, a sense, generally speaking, um, if you, if you were to, if you were able to break out what the, um, revenue impact of allowing those tax cuts to expire, how that would compare with the, uh, tax reform revenue?

Brian Deese: Yeah, I , over a, over a ten year budget window, uh, the full cost of allowing, uh, the, the Bush high income tax cuts to expire, uh, as well as returning the estate tax to its two thousand nine parameters, uh, which is the, you know, uh, the administration’s, uh, uh, policy, uh, is nearly a trillion dollars including interest, uh, or interest savings. [crosstalk]

Question: So, so, it would be roughly equal to the tax reform, uh, uh [crosstalk]…

Brian Deese: Yes.

[….]

Question: …There’s some confusion stemming from the, the meeting, uh,  with the congressional leaders this morning. Uh, Speaker Boehner left and said that, uh, he’s heard from the White House that, uh, they would be open to a, uh, debt ceiling raising bill that had various reform elements attached to it, so, in other words, not a clean bill that was, uh, discussed by the White House, um, and by you David on, on Sunday. I’m wondering if, uh, that, if the Speaker has the facts correct. And, secondly, related to it, is, uh, it a possibility that the, uh, debt fail safe, uh, option that you talked about in the speech today, if that is something that could theoretically be attached to a, the, uh, uh, the ceiling being raised?

[crosstalk]

Speaker unknown: [inaudible] …to the second half of your question, it’s too early to get into, uh, where this [inaudible] We’re just beginning the process the President announced today. [inaudible] congressional leaders, um, and then from kickoff, um, the leaders gonna go, are gonna go, are gonna work on it, uh, [inaudible] come back to us with recommendations out of the board [inaudible] getting something done by June. Uh, [inaudible]…

Uh, our view on this, uh, [inaudible] has always been the fact that the debt ceiling is gonna get raised. Every, every member of Congress, uh, every leader in Congress that [inaudible] they said they’re gonna raise the ceiling. Uh, they’re, uh, it is, uh, but, it is our belief that they do not want to play chicken with the economy, uh, on this ’cause it would have, uh, calamitous effect. We are, we do not believe you need to, uh, you do not need the debt ceiling to deal with the deficit. [inaudible] done separately, um, and that’s our hope.

[….]

David Plouffe: …You know, listen, and I, I do think this is important, I mean, we’re at the point now where, you know, it’s not just the leadership, although that’s most important, but, you know, a lot of rank and file members of Congress in both parties. I mean, everyone’s been clear.  We’re not gonna play chicken with the full faith and credit of the United States and risk an economic catastrophe. Uh, particularly just as we’re recovering from the last economic catastrophe.  So, the debt limit is going to pass. Um, you know, uh, obviously exactly when, uh, what the process is, uh, will, uh, will be revealed. But, you know, now at the same time, and we’ve been clear about this, there’s gonna be important bipartisan discussions about reducing our deficit. Um, and that, there was a good discussion about that today with the President and the leadership. So, um, you know, we need to do the responsible thing in the coming weeks, which is passing the debt limit. But that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t start to make progress in reducing the deficit in a smart way. And, uh, and in terms of the, the fail safe, again, as Dan said, it’s too early. Uh, I think that was an important part of a proposal, it should give people confidence and if, uh, the projections aren’t right or if Congress doesn’t do all it should on the front end in terms of putting us on the right pathway, uh, you know, there’s gonna be a, uh, hard backstop. Uh, that forces Congress to, uh, to, uh, you know, to, to make decisions or be at the whim of the trigger. So, um, I think that’s important part of this and my sense is that something that should have some, um, you know, some bipartisan support.

Question: …One of the major concerns fro, uh, progressive community, uh, off of the speech with this three to one ratio of, uh, spending cuts to tax revenue that you outlined in the fact sheet, wondering if you could just sort offer a, uh, an explanation of how you settled on that and whether, and why you think that’s, uh, the best way to move forward.

Brian Deese: …I would just make one point going back to the, the question, uh, two questions ago. Um, when, when thinking about three to one ratio I think it is important to recognize that that is, uh, that is on a baseline that already assumes the, uh, expiration of the Bush high income tax cuts. So, uh, there is nearly a trillion dollars in revenue, uh, from allowing a, uh, Bush high income tax cut to expire, uh, that is not part of that [inaudible] framework. So, I think that’s, uh, that’s important, that’s important context of, and, you know, with respect to the question of, uh, balancing the need to have tax reform that, uh, that [inaudible] package. I think the, the balance of two dollars in spending cuts, a dollar in interest savings, and a dollar from, uh, uh, from revenues, which, you know, is three dollars in spending, including interest, plus revenue is a, uh, you know, is a, a, is, is, is an approach that has, uh, has economic logic but also, uh, uh, it is, is a framework that people, uh, could get around, particularly when [inaudible] we’re working off, working, we’re working off a starting point where we’ve already, uh, we’ve already gotten, uh, gotten rid of [inaudible].

David Plouffe: And I would just add, you know, to what Brian said is, you know, obviously the way this works is you don’t decide what the ratio should be and then get into the details. I mean this was built off of, you know, the President and his, uh, budget and economic team doing a lot of work about what the, you know, what the best pathway here is for the country, for the economy, for the people in the country. And, uh, you know, I think the President’s view is as it relates to, uh, uh, taxes, uh, you know, the middle class, people trying to get in the middle class, uh, you know, can’t afford, uh, additional taxes right now. Uh, you know, uh, they are, uh, still trying to, [inaudible] still trying to find work, obviously, some are trying to find better work, uh, obviously, uh, you know, people’s home prices, uh, the value of their, uh, you know, uh, savings account. Now, that’s come back a little bit. You’ve got, uh, you know, uh, consumer price pressure now. So the notion that somehow the solutions, uh, to our long term deficit reduction, uh, is to ask the middle class to pay more is something the President rejects. So, this is a smart composition that allows us to invest in the things that allow us to win the future, uh, uh, and,
uh, ask those that have the greatest ability to contribute who are doing, you know, remarkably well in this economy, uh, again, and it’s a choice. I mean, I think if you had to sum up the difference between the President’s approach and the approach of the Congressional Republicans, there’s many differences, [inaudible] certainly the approach to health care, uh, is, is an important one, but if that, you know, uh, senior citizens, uh, you know, the disabled, the poor, the middle class are asked to shoulder the burden. Uh, and not just for deficit reduction, they have to shoulder the burden for enormous tax relief for millionaires and even billionaires. Uh, and I think that’s a pretty stark contrast and I think it’s one the President, uh, was very eloquent in, uh, in laying out [inaudible] today.

[….]

Question: …I’m very interested in how this plays out politically in terms of, you know, how do you make this happen. Just listening to NPR in the last half an hour, you know, the, the Republicans are already out in front saying tax cuts completely of the table, which represents from what I’m hearing, roughly forty percent of, uh, of the, the formula [inaudible] we’re talking about. How do you, uh, how do you, you and the administration foresee this playing out so that, you know, we’re not in the hostage taking situation, you know, like we’ve been in, you know, two, three times here in the last year?

David Plouffe: Well, first of all, I mean, uh, you know, in terms of what we just, uh, completed on Friday night, um, I, you know, uh, we, uh, we’re very comfortable. Uh, we have the package that was agreed upon and that will eventually become law. Um, you know, we, uh, you know, the notion that somehow, you know, the Republicans got thirty eight million of their sixty million in cuts, I mean, that’s not what happened. Um, they got some of their cuts, mostly cuts that we were already, in our two thousand twelve budget that got carried, uh, forward. Uh, and the, to, the composition is what matters, not a numbers exercise it’s the composition. Uh, you know, does, and, and we believe that we’re able to maintain a lot of our important priorities and obviously make sure that some of the social policy they were trying to litigate, you know, on family planning and on clean air and clean water issues, uh, was, uh, was defeated. So, uh, and you know, they started that process, obviously, saying a sixty-one or bust and anything below sixty-one has to be all of our, you know, composition. That’s not where these things end up. So, uh, I think everyone, uh, you know, John Boehner said last week on ABC that, uh, you know, he was not gonna let revenues keep him from the negotiating table. So, there’ll be a process that will be worked on over the next couple weeks and starting in early May the Vice President will begin working with leaders, uh, in both parties and both houses to see if we can make progress here. And, uh, there are, no doubt, uh, you know, clear differences. Um, the one thing that seems to be in common, uh, most members of Congress in both parties believe that the deficit is an important issue. Uh, and, and there’s gonna be, uh, obviously, uh, you know, big disagreement about how to get there. And we’re gonna have to see, and, and what kind of progress we can make. Um, you know, and while the President was very clear that he disagrees strongly with most elements of the Republican congressional approach today, uh, he also stated very clearly that just as we have done, uh, in our, uh, in our past, but as also we have done in the last few months on tax cuts and on, on spending and the budget, uh, you know, the country’s gonna demand that our leaders, uh, try and come together here and find what common ground they can. So, there’s gonna be, uh, [inaudible]. Now you do have some Republicans in the Senate who clearly, uh, discussing, I think in an honest way, that any kind of, uh, deficit solution, uh, that doesn’t have revenues as a component is not an honest solution. You know, my hope is that that, uh, you know, uh, point of view, uh, grows, uh, in that party. That would be a helpful thing. But, uh, you know, let’s wait ’til we get through these negotiations and see and, and, uh, there’s no doubt they’re gonna be difficult. Um, but I think for the sake of the country everyone is gonna have to try and, and, uh, and find those sort of, uh, you know, common areas, stretch out of your comfort zone a little bit and see where we can end up.  But, uh, but, you know, there’s no doubt this is gonna be, uh, you know, is everything gonna be resolved in the next weeks, I think that’s highly unlikely. But we need to make as much progress as we can. And, uh, obviously, this debate is been with us in the country for a long time and it’ll probably continue. We’re at the point now, though, from a fiscal situation, uh, that the rubber’s hitting the road. And we both are gonna have to, uh, agree on, on, uh, you know, the scale of the problem, uh, but then the difficult discussion of the means to, uh, to solve the problem. And, you know, that’s a debate that, you know, that we think is important. I, I think the President did a very good job of laying out [inaudible] the view of numbers today is a, you know, from the, I think from the, from the, uh, from values. This is about what kind of country we’re gonna live in, what kind of country we believe we can, uh, we can make here. And, uh, the notion that somehow we can, uh, you know, cut education by a third, the notion that we can ask seniors to pay six thousand more dollars in Medicare costs, I don’t know many seniors that can even begin to think they could afford a fraction of that, the notion that we’re gonna cut energy research, at a time of high gas prices, by seventy percent, you know, that’s not, uh, the America I think most people believe, uh, we need to build. So this is a fundamental discussion and debate and, uh, and, but, I, I do think that the, there seems to be, I will tell you, that I think that the meeting this morning was a constructive meeting, uh, both in tone as well as substance. And, uh, you know, obviously, uh, you know, as we get back from the congressional recess folks will gather and we’ll see what kind of progress can get made.

The GOP sees the rich as our rightful rulers

17 Sunday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 2 Comments

Tags

Deficit, federal budget, Jeanette Mott Oxford, Jim Lembke, missouri, Missouri budget, Paul Ryan

Jonathan Chait calls Paul Ryan’s budget a “War on the Weak” and observes:

Ryan’s plan does do two things in immediate and specific ways: hurt the poor and help the rich. After extending the Bush tax cuts, he would cut the top rate for individuals and corporations from 35 percent to 25 percent. Then Ryan slashes Medicaid, Pell Grants, food stamps, and low-income housing. These programs to help the poor, which constitute approximately 21 percent of the federal budget, absorb two thirds of Ryan’s cuts.

Ryan spares anybody over the age of 55 from any Medicare or Social Security cuts, because, he says, they “have organized their lives around these programs.” But the roughly one in seven Americans (and nearly one in four children) on food stamps? Apparently they can have their benefits yanked away because they were only counting on using them to eat.

Ryan casts these cuts as an incentive for the poor to get off their lazy butts. He insists that we “ensure that America’s safety net does not become a hammock that lulls able-bodied citizens into lives of complacency and dependency.”

Question: Is Ryan channeling Sen. Jim Lembke (unemployed workers won’t “get off their backsides”) or vice versa? Or are they both channeling Ben Stein, whose personal survey reveals that:

The people who have been laid off and cannot find work are generally people with poor work habits and poor personalities. I say “generally” because there are exceptions. But in general, as I survey the ranks of those who are unemployed, I see people who have overbearing and unpleasant personalities and/or who do not know how to do a day’s work.

[emphasis in original]

Nice of him to qualify his hasty generalization with the word “generally”, but Think Progress disagrees:

The current recession is a global phenomenon caused by the collective bad behavior of the world’s largest financial institutions. Before the recession, the unemployment rate hovered around six percent; it is ludicrious to say that [fifteen million] Americans suddenly got lazier and less able to work within the span of a few months.

But, to return to the subject of Ryan cutting federal revenue by extending the Bush tax cuts, a P-D letter writer pointed out: “There are two parts to a budget. One is revenue. That is not the part you cut.” More specifically, according to WillyK:

if we do nothing about spending, but just let the the Bush tax cuts die a natural death, we would halve the deficit by 2021.

Here at home, that lesson is lost on Lembke et. al., who are slashing state revenue by turning down tens of millions in federal funds already appropriated for us. They claim it’s a protest about federal overspending, though their action does not cut the federal deficit by one cent. But the Lembke loonies aren’t the only Republicans who don’t understand that balancing the budget gets harder if you cut revenue. Both chambers have voted to eliminate our corporate franchise tax, thus costing Missouri $87 million a year.

Does anybody in the state legislature besides Jeanette Mott Oxford speak up for the sanest way to increase Missouri revenue: that is, by raising taxes on the wealthier Missouri families? Our top tax bracket is $9,000. As in $9,000! That was a munificent salary when it was instituted in 1931. It was like making $300,000 in today’s economy. But as a top tax bracket in 2011, it’s ludicrous. August Busch IV is in the same tax bracket as people renting one room apartments in urban ghettos.

Meanwhile, the meanies in Jeff City are doing their best to shove more Missourians out of the top tax bracket. They’ve undone another of our citizen initiatives by ruling that minimum wage workers won’t get automatic Cost of Living Adjustments. They’re making war on unions. Ideally, Republicans would like to pass Right-to-Work-for-Less, but if they can’t get that one through the lege this year, they’ll settle for enfeebling unions by legislating that employees must give their consent before a union can use their dues for political purposes.

We can only wait to see how many of these bad ideas Jay Nixon will veto.

If Missouri workers don’t begin to notice that the GOP views them as parasites and the rich as their rightful rulers, the situation will continue to deteriorate.

Billy Long looks to Bozo the Clown for inspiration

17 Sunday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ 2 Comments

Tags

Billy Long, Medicare cuts, missouri, tea party, Todd Akin

Duane Graham of the Erstwhile Conservative has a treat for fans of low-comedy – his must-read account of the annual Tea Party rally in Joplin yesterday. A choice nugget:

But the sparse crowd-maybe 150 folks-was nevertheless thrown lots of blood-red meat from the speakers, which besides the usual locals, included would-be senator Rep. Todd Akin, who has never met a Democrat who wasn’t also a socialist …

Tea Partiers are beginning to get a rep, I think, whether fairly or unfairly, that has something in common with that of rabid dogs. No wonder so many past attendees found something else to do yesterday. Somebody ought to warn Akin, though, just in case he’s really serious about running for Senate, that it’s still not really safe to abandon that bland front he puts up in order to cajole the more respectable Republicans into voting for him.

Graham really lets go and delivers a laugh riot when he gets to his real target – Billy Long.  Not that Graham needs to do much.  Long seems to be his own worst enemy. For instance, consider Long’s initial response to Graham’s question about why he voted to dismantle Medicare: “We have to do something.”  Perhaps, but if Long feels so impelled to senseless action, couldn’t he confine himself to his House floor rendition of the love call of a back-country auctioneer – which Graham says he replicated in Joplin as part of his good ol’ boy, “just-one-of-the-folks” schtick.

The best part, though, was when, according to Graham, the stunningly oblivious Long pointed out the Bozo figure on his truck’s dashboard, indicating that he uses it to remind himself that he truly is just one of the folks – who, by extension, he seems to consider bozos. Of course, he may just be referring to that cross-section of “we the people” who sent him to Washington.

 

Campaign Finance: Jay Nixon for Missouri (D) April quarterly report

17 Sunday Apr 2011

Posted by Michael Bersin in Uncategorized

≈ Leave a comment

Tags

2012, campaign finance, governor, Missouri Ethics Commission, missouri.Jay Nixon

Governor Jay Nixon (D) filed his April quarterly campaign finance report with the Missouri Ethics Commission yesterday.

REPORT SUMMARY

JAY NIXON FOR MISSOURI [pdf] 4/15/2011

2. All Monetary Contributions Received This Period $1,667,744.67

13. Total All expenditures made this period $531,313.31

27. Money On Hand at the close of this reporting period $2,070,485.22

[emphasis added]

That’s a chunk of change. Let’s look at some of the contributions (it’s 135 pages in this report):

CONTRIBUTIONS RECEIVED – SUPPLEMENTAL

JAY NIXON FOR MISSOURI [pdf] 4/15/2011

John Carley

P.O. Box 823

Buffalo MO 65622

n/a — retired

12/10/2010

$25.00

Vivian Riche

1113 Old Logging Rd

Doe Run MO 63637

Retired Teacher — Retired

3/25/2011

$25.00

W.C. Blow

13729 Waggoner Rd

Festus MO 63028-4531

Retired — retired

3/28/2011

$25.00

Patricia Buehler

7533 Wayne

University City MO 63130

Self — Seamstress

12/10/2010

$15.00

Mary Labrot

110 Northwood Avenue

Fredericktown MO 63645

retired — retired

12/14/2010

$30.00

Donald Cowart

3925 S Bedford Ave

Independence MO 64055-3914

retired — retired

12/28/2010

$20.00

Dominic Curcuru Sr.

36 Oxford Dr

Washington MO 63090-4622

Retired — retired

3/25/2011

$25.00

Vera Arnhold

105 Cardinal Hill Rd

Winfield MO 63389-2708

Retired — retired

3/30/2011

$10.00

[emphasis added]

You get the point.

Yeah, there are big bucks contributions in five figures from corporations, organized labor and the legal professions, too, but Democratic Party candidates can’t (shouldn’t and won’t) forget the people who support them and elect them to office. Right?

Let’s take a look at some of the expenditures:

ITEMIZED EXPENDITURES OVER $100 SUPPLEMENTAL FORM

JAY NIXON FOR MISSOURI [pdf] 4/15/2011

Imming Associates

20 Waterman Place

Saint Louis MO 63112

3/10/2011

Direct Mail

$4,514.00

Renaissance Grand Hotel

800 Washington Avenue

Saint Louis MO 63101

11/30/2010

Venue Rental

$24,395.85

Renaissance Grand Hotel

800 Washington Avenue

Saint Louis MO 63101

10/7/2010

Venue Rental

$3,200.00

Hilton Hotels Capital

1100 16th St NW

Washington DC

2/24/2011

Lodging

$563.64

Margaret Onken

2000 North Geyer

Saint Louis MO 63131

3/1/2011

Fundraising

$5,000.00

Renaissance Grand Hotel

800 Washington Avenue

Saint Louis MO 63101

10/28/2010

Venue Rental

$3,200.00

Renaissance Grand Hotel

800 Washington Avenue

Saint Louis MO 63101

12/10/2010

Venue Rental

$4,998.12

Hilltop Public Solutions

1000 Potomac Street, NW Suite 500

Washington DC 20007

10/7/2010

Campaign Support

$10,609.75

Kansas City Marriott Downtown

200 West 12th Street

Kansas City MO 64105

11/30/2010

Venue Rental

$19,298.45

Margaret Onken

2000 North Geyer

Saint Louis MO 63131

3/17/2011

Fundraising

$5,000.00

Margaret Onken

2000 North Geyer

Saint Louis MO 63131

10/14/2010

Fundraising

$5,000.00

Margaret Onken

2000 North Geyer

Saint Louis MO 63131

1/14/2011

Fundraising

$5,000.00

Margaret Onken

2000 North Geyer

Saint Louis MO 63131

11/30/2010

Fundraising

$5,000.00

Bennett Petts & Normington

1010 Wisconsin Ave NW

Suite 208

Washington DC 20007

10/7/2010

Data

$29,400.00

Bennett Petts & Normington

1010 Wisconsin Ave NW

Suite 208

Washington DC 20007

2/3/2011

Data

$30,800.00

American Air Charter

18190 Edison Avenue

Chesterfield MO 63005

10/28/2010

Travel

$5,086.11

Hilltop Public Solutions

1000 Potomac Street, NW Suite 500

Washington DC 20007

11/11/2010

Campaign Support

$10,410.25

Contemporary Productions, LLC

190 Carondelet Plaza, Suite 1111

St. Louis MO 63105

11/30/2010

Event Production

$16,016.30

Hilltop Public Solutions

1000 Potomac Street, NW Suite 500

Washington DC 20007

3/1/2011

Campaign Support

$13,056.81

Hilltop Public Solutions

1000 Potomac Street, NW Suite 500

Washington DC 20007

3/1/2011

Campaign Support

$10,756.12

Contemporary Productions, LLC

190 Carondelet Plaza, Suite 1111

St. Louis MO 63105

12/10/2010

Event Production

$15,346.31

The Scholarship Fund

107 Reynolds Alumni Center

Columbia MO 65211

1/7/2011

Rental and Tickets

$44,801.00

[emphasis added]

Fundraising, fundraising, and fundraising. Did we mention fundraising?

For Pete’s sake, this is a whole ‘nother league.

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